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HISTORICAL 
SKETCHES AND REVIEWS. 



HISTORICAL 
SKETCHES AND REVIEWS. 



PIRST SEMES. 



REPRINTED FROM THE " ST. JAMES'S MEDLEY." 



"""''''^^ VISCOUNT CMNBORNI?; "' 

MEMBRE DE LA SOCIETE DE l'HISTOIRE DE FRANCE ; 

MEMBRE CORRESPOXDANT DE LA SOCIETE DE l'HISTOIRE DE BELGiaUE ; 

ET DE LA SOCIETE DE LA NUMISMATiaUB BELGE ; 

MEMBRE CORRESPOND ANT DE l'INSTITUT GENEVOIS. 



SECOMD EDITION. 

LONDON : 
JOHN MITCHELL, PUBLISHER TO HER MAJESTY, 

33, OLD BOND STREET. 



J) 



/•^ 



In Exchange 

22 '06 ^ 



TO 
THE MOST NOBLE 

JAMES BROWNLOW WILLIAM QASCOYNE-CECIL, K.G. 
MARQUESS OF SALISBURY, 

THESE PAGES 

ARE 

DEDICATED, 

AS A TOKEN OF LOVE AND RESPECT, 

BY HIS 

VERY AFFECTIONATE SON 

CRAJ^BORNE. 



PEE FACE. 



These " Historical Sketches and Reviews" have already 
appeared in the pages of the St. James's Medley, under 
the Signature of " The Blind Tkaveller." 

My reason for reprinting them is a desire that they may 
be preserved in a more complete and consecutive form. 

Although I have been for years engaged in the study of 
History, and in the collection and arrangement of various ma- 
terials of an historical nature, I still shrink from the respon- 
sibility of even appearing to teach others. I have only brought 
to bear on current contemporary history such stray informa- 
tion as I have acquired in my daily readings. 

Defects of style and composition Avill no doubt be found in 
every page of the work. I must hope therefore that my readers 
will take into consideration the fact, that from my earliest 
childhood I have been blind, and that all my impressions have 
been derived from the lips and through the eyes of others. 

I prefer to take my position amongst the unaided 
Blind Volunteers of Literature, rather than avail myself of 
the proffered assistance of those numerous literary friends, 
who would gladly have lent me their valuable aid in putting 
a polish on my crude and imperfect Essays. 

Cranborne. 

20, Arlington Street, 
. January, 1862. 



C N T E IS" T S. 
<, 

PAGE. 

Guizot's Memoiees poub, seevir a l'Histoiee db son Temps. 

1= — Early Period — Napoleon and Louis XVIII . 3 

2.— ErencliEevolutionof 1830 37 

3.— Politics in France from 1832 to 1836 ... 52 

4.— Guizot's Fourth Volume of Events— to 1840 . 66 

Prescott, the Blind Historian 87 

Philip II. First Notice , . . 113 

Second Notice 126 

Catherine II and the Courts of Russia 143 

Russia as it is 167 

La Chine devant L'Europe 193 

The Rome of this Era . 203 

A Day at Magenta after the Battle 221 

Rousseau et les Genevois 229 

Louis XIV dans ses rapports avec la Religion . . . 247 

L'AcADEMiE Franqaise .265 

Les Girondins de Mons. J. Guadet 279 

French Memoirs: 

Madame Recamier 308 

Madame de Caylus 323 

Carnot, Engineer and Revolutionist 341 

Diane de Poitiers 357 

Agnes Sorel 377 



GUIZOT'S MEMOIRES 

OF 

HIS TIMES. 



MONS. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES.* 



Perhaps no history has furnished so many instances of the 
remarkable chances and changes of fortune to which high and low 
are alike subject, as that of Prance during the last eighty years. In 
that short period an ancient dynasty and a powerful aristocracy have 
been overthrown by an insolent mob ; and soldiers of fortune, of the 
lowest origin, have not only risen to the highest civil and military 
dignities, but many of them, arrayed with crowns and sceptres of 
royalty, have become rulers over large territorial possessions. If we 
consider the history of the principal actors in this exciting drama, 
we shall find their romantic vicissitudes of fortune equal to any- 
thing related in the Arabian Nights or modern novels. Take, for 
instance, the life of Napoleon : what greater change can be 
imagined, than from such insignificance to unbounded power ; from 
the highest influence to the lowest state of weakness and degradation ? 
Prom the son of a poor lawyer, who could scarcely find sufficient 
means to support his numerous family. Napoleon rose, by a long 
and arduous military career, to the highest dignities of the state ; 
becoming the regenerator and law-giver of his country, after a long 
period of revolution and disorder; extending the territory of his 
empire by conquest after conquest over nearly the whole of Europe ; 
and at last falling a prisoner into the hands of his bitterest enemy, 
and ending his career as an exile at St. Helena. 

The career of his Bourbon rivals is no less remarkable. Louis 
XVIII was early driven into exile by the troubles of the Eevolution, 
and wandered from country to country for protection, until the 
events of 1814 recalled him to fill the vacant throne of Trance, which 
he relinquished almost as soon as he obtained it. The Waterloo 
campaign again gave him his just rights ; though he was obliged to 
maintain his authority by the assistance of the foreign troops of 
those very nations who had been the bitterest enemies of his country 
during many of her most violent struggles. At length, when the 

* M^moires pour servir a L'Histoire de mon Temps, par M. Guizot. Vol. I. Paris. 



4 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

monarch had succeeded in riddmg himself of his unwelcome sup- 
porters, and had become an independent sovereign, he was im- 
mediately exposed to plots and conspiracies, and had thus " no bed 
of roses for his royal couch." At his death, in 1824, he was 
succeeded by his brother Charles, Count of Artois, who was looked 
upon by his friends — as an intelligent I^rench acquaintance of ours 
laely observed — " as a good monarch, simply because he could ride 
well, and possessed those showy accomplishments so generally 
popular amongst Frenchmen/' Charles soon lost both his popularity 
and his influence, and was dethroned in the revolution of July, 1830, 
by his cousin Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans. 

The career of Louis Philippe was, if anything, more extraordi- 
nary than either that of Charles X or Louis XYIII. Being the son 
of Philip Egalite, he had been brought up amongst the leaders of 
the revolutionary movement of 1789, and had imbibed many liberal 
ideas. He had seen his first service in the revolutionary army, under 
Dumouriez, at Jemappe, where he first displayed those qualities which 
obtained for him at a future period the esteem and admiration of so 
large a portion of the f'rencli people. Obliged, on the execution of 
his father, to fly into Switzerland, he there learned the bitter lesson 
oC adversity, and, as is well known, maintained himself with great 
difficulty as a professor of mathematics, being obliged to wander 
from country to country, until the events of 1815 reinstated him in 
those large possessions which made him the wealthiest prince of 
Europe. His penetration and sagacity soon showed him that liberal 
opinions were still very strong in France, and that the arbitrary con- 
duct of both Louis XVIII and Charles X could not enable them to 
maintain the influence of their house. He therefore wisely put' 
himself at the head of the popular party ; and thus, after the July 
revolution, obtained the French throne. Although his government 
was able and vigorous, and at that period much to the general 
advantage of the French nation, yet the turbulent spirits of his 
subjects proved too strong, and the troubles of 184^ drove him forth 
once more to be a wanderer and an exile to these shores, where, 
as is well known, he died in comparative poverty. 

The fortunes of his great minister, Mons. Guizot, were not less 
varied, though perhaps less trying, than those of his master. His 
Memoirs, to which we shall now direct the attention of our readers, 
contain more of the history of his times and of his public life, 
than an account of his early career or his private struggles. The 
school-boy days and early impressions of such a man as Guizot 
would have been most interesting; although the later events of his 
life are considered as alone worthy to be chronicled. His career as 
a public man extends from the restoration in 1814, to the downfall 



M. GDIZOT AND HIS TIMES. O 

of. Louis Philippe, 1848 — a most eventful epoch, both for France 
and Europe in general, and one during which liberal institutions may 
be said to have been on their trial throughout the continent. These 
liberal institutions failed everywhere in Europe, and for the most part 
ended in revolutionary excesses ; democratic dawnings being replaced 
by more arbitrary and despotic systems than had previously existed. 
No one is more fitted to write a history of these remarkable 
times than Guizot ; as the elevated position which he held, both as 
a statesman and a man of letters, adds weight and importance to all 
he advances. His style throughout the volume now before us is 
both clear and vigorous, frequently rising to very high literary 
eloquence ; his characters are drawn with a masterly hand ; and 
even the commencement of his work abounds in reflections and 
observations which are scarcely to be met with in the more erudite 
histories of other times. 

Of his early life, Guizot gives us but very slight information, 
merely stating that his education had been chiefly carried on in 
Geneva ; and that he had thus acquired a greater taste for German 
than for Erench literature'; a course of study which no doubt gave 
him those ideas of rational liberty so prominently brought forward 
in all works of that school. Early reflection and the Protestant 
faith induced those habits of close and solid reasoning which saved 
him from the visionary and revolutionary theories of Erench philoso- 
phers and politicians. He first entered the society of the brilliant 
Erench capital in the year 1807, and principally attached himself to 
the few Royalist literati who durst openly discuss and disapprove 
tlie policy of the Emperor. Although this sect was not sufficiently 
powerful and energetic to attempt the overthrow of Napoleon's 
government, yet it formed the embers of a mighty fire. Amongst 
those to whom Guizot gave his greatest friendship, was the celebrated 
writer, Mons. Chateaubriand ; and one of his earliest literary attempts 
was the defence of that statesman's work, " Les Martyrs," which ob- 
tained for Guizot a great and early literary reputation. He, how- 
ever, seems not to have been satisfied with the mere distinction of 
a man of letters, but yearned for a profession which might open to 
him a field of political influence. The occupation of arms, which 
in those days offered power and distincticni to many aspirants, was 
such as did not suit the inclinations of our author ; he preferred 
diplomacy and letters. Although Guizot much blamed the Emperor 
for his military and despotic government at home, and his project of 
universal conquest abroad, he nevertheless could not help admiring 
that genius which enabled Napoleon to restore order to Erance after 
the chaos of revolution, and made all Europe tremble before the 
strength of the Erench arms. 



6 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

As Guizot saw but small chance of the Bourbon authority 
beiug speedily re-established, and little benefit as likely to result 
to his country from such an event, he resolved to seek service under 
that master whose power had been confirmed by so long a career of 
victory and so able and brilliant an administration. He therefore 
requested a mutual acquaintance to present him to the Duke de 
Bassano, the Foreign Minister, and to assist him by his good offices 
in obtaining a post in some foreign embassy. The acquaintance was 
duly made, and the Duke was so far favourably disposed towards the 
young aspirant, that he ordered Guizot to draw up a report upon the 
exchange of English prisoners, which he promised to lay before the 
Emperor. This order was executed, and the document duly pre- 
sented to the minister ; but, whether it was that Guizot too much 
frequented the saloons of his Royalist friends, or that the bold 
assertions of his political opinions were already too well known, he 
made no further progress in the way of obtaining employment from 
the ministers of Napoleon. 

About this time he received an offer far more suited to his taste, 
one which he could accept without changing or compromising his 
political opinions. His notes on the decline and fall of the Roman 
empire, and various other historical subjects, had attracted the 
attention of Count Lally Tolendal, who sent a very flattering letter 
from Brussels, complimenting him on his writings ; which corres- 
pondence Mons. Guizot has pubhshed amongst " Les Pieces His- 
toriques," at the end of his work. It was through the same influence 
that, early in 1811, Mons. Fontanes, the Head of the Parisian 
University, obtained for Guizot the chair of Professor of Modern 
History, when he had scarcely completed his twenty-fifth year. In 
this difficult position he displayed extraordinary independence of 
spirit. On being told by his chief that it was usual, on assuming 
the chair of any new professorship, to pass an eulogium on the 
character and the government of the Emperor ; Guizot replied that 
he could not submit to such servility ; that it would be hypocritical 
in him to praise one whom he thoroughly blamed, and whose acts 
were contrary to his own political sentiments. Notwithstanding 
those opinions, Eontanes still allowed Guizot to retain the chair of 
History, though he cautioned him that such conduct at the com- 
mencement of his career might cost him his professorship, the 
government of that day being determined not only to prevent atiy 
criticism of their conduct by the press, or by those who liad the direc- 
tion of education, but to obtain from all employees the loudest praise. 

Should the reader be desirous of knowing how so young a pro- 
fessor acquitted himself in his first lecture, be has only to turn to 
the end of the volume, where he will at once see that Mons. Guizot 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. / 

most happily attracted the attention of his young listeners by the 
terseness of his discourse on history, and by his dissertation on the 
difficulties of ascertaining its general truth. Whenever his subject 
would admit, he made the most strenuous allusion in favour of 
liberal institutions and opinions, which, had circumstances permitted, 
he might possibly have gradually disseminated and even made prac- 
ticable in France. 

When his country was invaded, and the power of Napoleon 
menaced on every side by the allies, it appears that some of Guizot's 
political friends laid a project before the Emperor by which he might 
treat with his enemies on honourable terms, and escape for a time 
the dangers which threatened his empire. These proposals were, 
however, too moderate for the ambitious Emperor ; and he accord- 
ingly received the projectors with rudeness, accusing Mons. Lane, the 
Head of the Moderates, of a design to overthrow his authority, and to 
oblige his country to submit to humiliating and ruinous concessions. 

Then occurred the disastrous events of 1814, when Paris was 
taken and occupied by the allied armies, when the Erench forces 
were defeated in every encounter on the frontiers, and Napoleon was 
at length reluctantly obliged to abdicate. Guizot, who just previous 
to that event had undertaken a journey to Nismes, gives a most 
vivid picture of the prevailing distress, and the unpopularity which 
was everywhere evinced towards the Emperor and his government. 
He states that, although labour was plentiful enough, both in the 
capital and in the provinces, and that in the former they were com- 
mencing those fine buildings and magnificent streets so well known 
to every Englishman who has visited Paris, yet both in the me- 
tropohs and the departments the labourers seemed to lack employ- 
ment, and to be most terribly restless, unsettled, and discontented 
with a long war which had desolated their fields, ruined their com- 
merce, and drained their population. Conscripts and recruits were, 
nevertheless, rushing to the scene of action, with whom Napoleon's 
powers and his wars were alone popular ; as a life of glory, closed 
by a marshal's baton, a prince's crown, or the reward of territory, 
were sufficient inducements to make even ploughmen brave the 
perils and hardships of the battle field. We cannot think that 
Napoleon's government and policy so deeply displeased the Erench 
as Guizot would have us believe. The Emperor's unpopularity at 
this period was rather to be attributed to his want of success, than 
to any financial distress which his measures had occasioned, the 
Erench being the last nation in the world likely to be displeased 
with rulers who waste blood and treasure in attempts to extend their 
glory and their boundaries. So long as the Erench nation obtain 
glory and renown, they are satisfied. All their past history proves 



8 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES, 

the fact that they adore those monarchs most who have most pandered 
to their vanity, and look with the greatest pride on those periods in 
which long and obstinate struggles have been made for the acquisi- 
tion of territories never permanently retained. They never mur- 
mured when Prancis wasted the resources of his kingdom in long 
wars to conquer tbe Milanese — they were ready to support Louis 
XIV, when closely pressed by the allies, after having been the 
disturber of the peace of Europe for nearly half a century — and, 
although his successor lost, towards the end of liis reign, his repu- 
tation as " le bien aime," his subjects were more discontented with 
his measures at home, than with the long and expensive wars which 
•were carried on throughout his whole reign, and in which they lost 
the greater portion of their territories. Notwithstanding these 
reverses, they failed to learn wisdom in the commencement of Louis 
the Sixteenth's reign ; and were ready to rush into another war 
against their old enemy, England, and to assist the American colonies 
in gaining their independence. It is not, therefore, probable that 
Napoleon lost much of his popularity by his long wars and conquests ; 
though it is more likely that the Prench found it impossible, in 1814, 
to support him against the combined and overwhelming forces of all 
Europe ; and that they, therefore, as a necessity, submitted to the 
conditions imposed upon them by the allies, consenting to receive 
Louis XVIII as their king, and to regard the Rhine as their future 
boundary. 

Guizot asserts that the Restoration was of real benefit to France, 
as it brought peace and liberal institutions in the shape of the 
Charter. Although we fully agree with him in this opinion, none of 
his countrymen seem to look upon the event in a similar light. The 
Royalists desired everything to be re-established as before the 
Revolution, not understanding that that state of things had been 
irrevocably swept away by the convulsions of 1789 and 1790, and 
could never again be restored ; the Republicans, of course, wished 
for concessions on the part of the Monarch which would be incom- 
patible with bis dignity ; whilst the Bonapartists were intent on their 
course of territorial aggrandisement, and could look upon no other 
chief, as a proper leader, than Napoleon. The Moderates, of whom 
there were very few, considered the Charter and the legislative 
Chambers as innovations which savoured too much of an English 
copy, and which had been brought over by the King from the country 
where he had so long resided during his days of exile and misfortune. 
Guizot observes that the character of the ministers and the King 
were ill calculated to advance the interest of liberal institutions in a 
country where they had never previously existed. Mons. Talleyrand, 
the famous minister, and one who was " all things to all men," was 



M. GUIZOT AND PUS TIMES. 9 

only " able in a crisis," and when important neffotiatio7is were to be 
carried out. He was a finished courtier, well versed in the art of 
pleasing, with a lively and witty conversation, thoroughly under- 
standing his own interests, and the proper moment to forward them, 
on any change of party or of government ; but, according to Guizot, 
indolent, disgusted with business, and possessed of but little admi- 
nistrative talent. The first part of this character is what his co- 
temporaries, both politicians and historians, ascribe to liim ; but we 
think Guizot has committed a great error in calling Talleyrand 
indolent, as various turnings in the political labyrinth through which 
he was obliged to wend his way did not, in our opinion, admit of an 
idle or unguarded moment ; and his administrative talent must have 
been more effective than our author would allow, or how could he 
have been a useful man to every party, and a desirable acquisition to 
all governments ? L'Abbe de Montesquieu, who gave Guizot his 
first post in public life, of Secretary-General of the Minister of the 
Interior, though a man of talent and application, and well disposed 
to liberal forms of government, was nevertheless weak and un- 
energetic. He was always inclined to look upon the old regime to 
a certain extent as his model, not reflecting that such a state of 
things could never again be restored. 

Mons. Blacas, who was the third minister called upon by Louis 
XVIII to assist him with his councils, was one of those characters 
who resembled much the old cavaliers that surrounded Charles II 
dunu^ his residence in Kent. He was a Provingal by birth, and 
possessed the usual ardent temperament of the inhabitants of the 
South of France. He was a courageous and enthusiastic Eoyalist, 
ready to suffer anything in defence of the Crown; but unable, as 
such a man would naturally be, to understand that it was necessary 
for the King to relinquish some of his power, if he wished to pre- 
serve the rest. 

The qualities of these ministers of the Restoration, as Guizot 
well remarks, might have been rendered very effective in the hands 
of an able and resolute monarch ; but Louis XVIII was what 
Guizot is pleased to call " a man possessing a negative charater." 
He was indeed well informed ; but he lacked the energy to use his 
information, being one who would allow himself to be guided by 
others, rather than to form an opinion for himself. He was not 
unlike Charles II of England — a man who, though he might never 
have said a foolish thing, certainly never did a wise one. His bodily 
infirmities and his age prevented him from taking any very active 
part in state affairs ; and although, like most of theEourbon Princes, 
he had forgotten nothing of the ancient regime, without learning 
anything new, he had yet sufficient prudence to restrain his power 

c 



10 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

witliiu bounds With such a king and such ministers, it was not 
to be expected tliat any great advances would be made in establishing 
a new government. Each minister was willing enough to bestir 
himself within his own department ; but none of them seemed 
anxious to co-operate in forwarding the general measures of the 
whole council. Mous. de Talleyrand desired nothing better than to 
treat with the whole of Europe, and to carry on large diplomatic 
negotiations ; he cared but little what became of the other depart- 
ments of the administration, so long as he was allowed to conduct 
his business in his own way. The Abbe Montesquiou was equally 
satisfied to carry on the duties of his own department in an able 
business-like manner, without suggesting any new measures which 
might be introduced into the government ; whilst Mons. Blacas did 
nothing at all, and would probably have found himself more at home, 
if he had been obliged to form a regiment of dragoons in La 
Vendee, to defend his master's rights, than be at the head of a de- 
partment of the state. 

The principal measures which first occupied the attention of the 
Government of the Restoration, were the finances, which, after the 
long wars of Napoleon, were in a most deplorable state. Mons. 
le Baron Louis, under whose management they had been during the 
last years of the empire, consented still to hold his post and to. 
conduct the duties of his ofiice ; in which he dihgently laboured 
to put the finances into something like respectable order. The 
other most important measure which came under the consideration 
of the French cabinet and legislature was "the liberty of the 
])rcss;" and long debates took place whether it was to be freed 
from control, or whether some slight restrictions should be for a time 
imposed upon it. Guizot was in favour of the latter view, arguing 
that, however necessary a full liberty of the press might be in a 
country where a constitutional government had long been established, 
it was yet dangerous in one where a new government was on its trial. 
He quotes, as a precedent, the conduct of Wilham III of England 
and his parliament in 1688, and subsequently in 1693, showing that 
restrictions might be placed on the press without injuring its liberty. 
Had all control over the press of Prance been removed at that 
particular period, it would have run into such license as might have 
renewed the worst revolutionary troubles of '89 and '90. We 
fully concur in these opinions, and consider that even in a well- 
formed constitutional state the unrestricted liberty of the press is 
often an inconvenience, and may be called the most dangerous and 
at the same time the most essential privilege of a free and inde- 
pendent nation, having before now occasioned a long and bloody 
war between England and Prance, and may at some other period 



M, GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 11 

engage the nations in a conflict of equal duration and difficulty. 
On the other hand, when the press is placed under a censor, public 
opinion does not easily express itself; and many an injustice and 
fraud might successfully be practised upon the public. In those 
countries, however, in which a free press exists, and where every 
political and domestic subject is well and thoroughly ventilated, 
public morality is enforced, and oppression rendered impossible. 
Another reason, however, most likely inflijenced Guizot in arguing 
against the uncontrolled liberty of the press, although he does not 
seem to have made use of it in the debate : he must have been struck 
with the obstacles which the Erench character opposed to a perfectly 
free press. What in England would only occasion a law suit, would 
in France, owing to the irritable disposition of its people, produce an 
emeute, or even a revolution. 

These discussions, at the early period of the Charter, were 
suddenly cut short by an event which changed the political aspect of 
the whole of Europe — via. the return of Napoleon from Elba. 
Guizot does not seem to be able to give any definite cause for so 
sudden a revolution. He thinks that the Emperor must have kept up a 
continual correspondence with the leaders of the army and a number of 
conspirators. INapoleon^s return, in our opinion, was to be attributed 
to the following causes. It was a grave error on the part of the 
allies to permit him to retire to a spot so close to the coast of France 
as Elba, from whence he could so easily correspond with his friends, 
and be made acquainted with every movement which occurred in his 
country ; still further was it a mistake to suppose that the mind 
which had been so long occupied with the afl'airs of the whole of 
Europe could be satisfied with superintending the government of so 
small an island as Elba, and remain contented with drilling and 
reviewing a small body of 8,000 men, after once having commanded 
armies of 200,000 and 300,000 men, and overthrown the most 
powerful states in Europe. It was not to be expected that so sensi- 
tive a nation as the French could tamely endure a wounded vanity, 
by having to submit to the authority of a king imposed upon 
them by foreigners, — that they would not be ready to give their 
support to any one who might free them from so unwelcome a 
yoke, much more so to one who, like Napoleon, had often led 
their armies to victory, and from whose brilliant administration 
they had derived so large a share of prosperity and glory, — whose 
vigorous hand had so firmly cliecked the revolutionary spirit 
which had threatened to overthrow everything like order or a 
regular government, and to plunge the country once more into the 
disasters and troubles of 1789. It is not, therefore, surprising that 



1^ M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

Napoleon should have attempted to escape from Elba, and to revisit 
once more his much-loved French subjects, — that, when hi& 
endeavours had been crowned by success, and he had been safely 
landed at Toulon, he should be everywhere received with enthusiasm 
and acclamations, — that the number of liis followers should be quickly 
increased to a considerable force, — that he should at length have 
been joined by the very army sent against him under Marshal Ney.. 
with their chief at its head, — should once more enter the capital in 
triumph by their assistance, — and that Louis XYIIl should again 
seek shelter in a foreign country. 

A-Ccording to Guizot's account. Napoleon's reception in Paris 
was by no means as warm as it had been in the provinces; and our 
author rather wonders that a man of Napoleon's sagacity should be 
again wiUing to risk all in the chances of war; for the Emperor 
must have been fully aware, when he left Elba, that no terms which 
he could offer to the alhes would be accepted by them. Geniuses 
such as Napoleon are not, however, wont to yield to despair, until 
they had been'overcome by signal defeats, such as Waterloo after- 
wards proved to be. Many of the old Republicans, as well as the 
Bonapartists, ralHed round the Emperor, in order to assist him in 
his difficulties. Amongst those who offered their services, Carnot 
stood most conspicuous. He united to great administrative ability 
the most consummate talents as an engineer. He accepted the 
important office of Minister of the Interior, under the new Govern- 
ment, and hastened to put the towns on the frontier in a respectable 
posture of defence. He it was who rendered Antwerp what it has 
since become — one of the strongest maritime forts in Europe. 

Guizot, according to his own account, was erroneously accused 
by the " Moniteur" of that day, and subsequently by many celebrated 
authors, of whom Mons. De Lamartine was the most eminent, of 
seeking service under the Emperor, and of accepting, under Carnot, 
his old post of " Secretaire General." It appears, however, that his 
name was confused with that of another member of his family, who 
accepted office during that government. 

Our author, as we have seen, returned during this period, to his 
chair of Professor of History in the University of Paris, and to the 
labours and duties of that office, thus ending his early political 
career, which, for so young a man, seems to have been conducted with 
ability, and with, what is more rare in a Erench statesman, consistency. 

Guizot gives a deplorable picture of the state of parties in 
Erance after the return of the Emperor to Paris. It appears that, 
during the Eestoration, liberty had made great strides, and that the 
people became, on the sudden change from Louis XVIII to Napo- 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES, 13 

Icon's government, like some wild animals let loose. The Emperor 
found that, notwithstanding all his former glory, he must now treat 
with the popular party, if he intended to retain his nsM'ly acciuired 
power ; and he even went so far as to make overtures to the leaders 
of the rabble, who inhabited the Paubourg St. Antoine, and who 
had made themselves so renowned and so terrible in the first revolu- 
tion of 1789. They paraded Paris, and formed a corps, called by 
the Emperor " Eederal Soldiers." He, however, took the precaution 
of having a strong body of police to prevent them from committing 
the same excesses as in the early periods of the revolution. 

Napoleon, in order to secure the services of the Republicans, 
accepted, as we have already stated, the offer of Carnot; and still 
further strengthened the influence of his party in the cabinet by 
appointing Eouche Minister of Police. Guizot, of course, objects 
to the former, as being a clever mihtary man ; and therefore 
not likely to fill an office, the duties of which were chiefly confined 
to the internal government of the country during a time of peace, 
and which therefore did not admit of any great display of Carnot's 
principal qualities ; besides which, the information required was 
(he suggests) beyond the reach of any military man. Although 
Carnot's talents might have been out of place as Minister of In- 
terior in ordinary periods, they were not only useful, but even neces- 
sary, at an epoch when the country was on every side threatened 
with invasion. Guizot, with great impartiality, therefore, admits 
that " though Carnot served the Emperor coldly, he nevertheless did 
so with honour.'" Eouche, on the other hand, served Napoleon as 
though he knew the Emperor's power could last but a short period. 
He showed, as Mons, Guizot rather happily expresses it, somewhat 
the same indifl'erence in performing those duties which had been im- 
posed upon him by the Emperor, as a skilful physician, who has 
long watched a case which he knows to be perfectly hopeless, but 
which he nevertheless is obliged to stand by and see the end of, for 
reputation sake. Eouche in his conversation displayed that thorough 
knowledge of human character and information on political affairs 
which the duties of his office would most naturally enable him to 
obtain. To this, he united a degree of insolence of manner which 
he had acquired in his early days, whilst he frequented the Jacobin 
Club, and assisted the leaders of that party in their progress to 
power. He had been appointed Minister of Police by Napoleon 
when he became Eirst Consul ; and was found by him not only to 
be useful in winning over the Eepublicans to his own cause, but 
also in carrying out his dark designs against Pichegru and the Duke 
d'Engheiu. He was, however, always dangerous, even to his friends. 



14 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

owing to liis love of intrigue, which ultimately obliged the Emperor, 
in 1807, to dismiss him from his post, and to send him in honourable 
exile as Ambassador to the Papal Court ; though now again, in 
1815, he is re-appointed to his old place, in order to ingratiate 
Napoleon with the popular party. He nevertheless took care to 
make use of this opportunity to gain influence with Louis XVIII, 
whom he clearly saw would soon resume his lost authority. 

The Emperor, as is well known, discussed several forms of liberal 
government with eminent politicians of that day. He considered 
the Charter as too liberal a measure for him to adopt; and yet 
he felt that it was necessary to form some kind of constitution, 
as he would be unable to govern Erance in his former absolute 
manner, until his authority had been confirmed by the gaining of some 
brilliant victory. He believed that it would be impossible to organize 
a firm constitutional monarchy without an hereditary aristocracy ; 
but he could not conceive from whence m'aterials were to be obtained 
for the creation of such a body, after they had been wholly swept 
away by the revolution. He was desirous to reinstate some of the 
old famihes in their former dignities and honours, but was obliged 
to relinquish this project as impracticable. According to Guizot, 
the same irresolution and uncertainty reigned in the government of 
the departments as in that of the capital. Every thing was done on 
the supposition that the present power would not be permanent ; 
even the police were not so strict in reality as they professed; 
for, although Eouche's emissaries were every where to be found 
in swarms, numerous pamphlets and papers were published through- 
out the provinces, blaming the Emperor's conduct; and civil war 
was every day on the point of breaking out. Had Guizot's friends 
been in a more united state, this distui-bed and irresolute condition 
of their enemies might have been matter of congratulation to him. 
The Eoyalists were, however, quite as much divided in opinion as 
their opponents. One party of them supported the ancient regime, 
and were desirous of restoring the former military power of the 
crown as it had existed before the revolution of 1789. The more 
moderate of them, however, fully perceived the necessity of adhering 
to the conditions imposed on the King by the Charter. The King 
himseK had retired to Ghent, whither he had been followed by his 
partizans and the representatives of foreign powers, who all supported 
his authority. In this retreat, his councils were chiefly guided by 
the Due de Blacas, whose arbitrary and enthusiastic disposition on 
the side of royalty made him much feared by the Moderate partizans 
of the Monarch. Mons. de Talleyrand, who was engaged in the 
negotiations at Yienna, although not a Eevolutionist by taste, 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 15 

nevertheless owed his rise to political power, to the events whicii 
had caused the revolution, and to the share which he himself had 
taken in bringing about those democratic changes ; he was, there- 
fore in some measure bound to support the Liberal cause. Al- 
though he had served at least fifty different masters, his political 
consistency could never be trusted by any one of them. Talleyrand 
clearly perceived at this period that there would be little to gain by 
forsaking Louis the Eighteenth's service ; and his able conduct in 
re-establishing that Prince, and in tlie subsequent negotiations at 
Vienna, entitled him to be looked upon as the best leader by the 
Moderates. He was, however, little inclined again to give Louis 
XVIII the advantage of his councils, with such colleagues as the 
Abbe Montesquieu and Mons. de Blacas, both of whom he 
thought might prove dangerous rivals ; whilst the policy of the 
latter he considered would again drive tlie King into exile. The 
Moderates, therefore, felt, both for themselves and for Talley- 
rand, that it would be necessary to remove Blacas from the 
King's councils. This difficult task was entrusted to Guizot, who, 
notwithstanding his extreme youth, did not fear to undertake it. 
His journey from Paris to Ghent was performed with the greatest 
case, notwithstanding the numerous eiuissaries whom Fouche had 
placed on the frontier, and who do not appear to have discharged 
their duties with proper severity.- On arriving at Ghent, Guizot 
first visited Mons. Munier, Baron Louis, and Chateaubriand, and 
the other leaders of the Moderate party, in order to ascertain their 
views. He then presented himself to the King, whose dignity and 
importance particularly struck him ; for he writes, " I saw that 
miserable old man fixed immoveably in his arm chair, demanding as 
a right those prerogatives and that obedience which he had not the 
power to enforce." Guizot found that he had come on a delicate 
errand, and that if he wished to persuade the King, he must begin 
with caution. He therefore commenced his conversation by in- 
forming Louis of the unpopularity of the measures and conduct of 
the Emperor, and of the desire on all hands for the Eestoration, 
every one in France being tired of the disasters of war, and being 
certain that peace could never be permanent until Louis was again 
placed on the French throne. He then represented to the Monarch 
that, however much this happy event might be desired by his own 
friends and the nation at large, they, nevertheless, feared that, so 
long as his Majesty's councils were influenced by Blacas, all the 
benefits which they hoped to derive from his return would be 
destroyed, and that the King's own power would, most probably, be 
of but short duration. The King became extremely indignant at 



16 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

these remonstrances, and wished to be informed what difference it 
could make to his friends or his subjects whom he chose to keep in 
his palace and about his person, so long as he adhered to the 
conditions granted by the Charter, which he affirmed he had no 
intentions of breaking. Guizot, after this conversation, quitted 
the royal presence, his representations seeming to have but slight 
weight with his Monarch. The impression left upon Guizot's mind 
by this interview was, that the King was sensible and extremely 
careful of appearances, and the opinions of persons immediately about 
him ; that, in fact, what Hume says about Charless II could well 
be applied to Louis XVIII : " That, although he possessed both 
sense and penetration, they were rather of a kind suited to a private 
station than to a monarch on his throne,'" 

Guizot gives but a slight account of the events of the Waterloo 
campaign ; and it is much to be regretted that he does not enter 
iiito a more detailed narrative of it, as, from his impartiality, he 
would most probably have given a better account than French 
historians generally do, of the most eventful struggle. They are 
generally desirous to heap upon their own nation all the praise, 
without considering whether facts bear out their statements ; and 
many of them attempt, like Mons. Thiers in his chapter on Trafalgar, 
to apologise for their want of success at Waterloo, by attributing it 
to causes over which they could have no control, rather than to 
errors committed by their leaders, or want of discipline and courage 
on the part of the troops. Guizot is, however, a statesman, and 
not a soldier, and has therefore confined himself' to the political 
history of his country, and of the court and cabals of Louis XVIII 
and his followers. 

The victory at Waterloo completely changed the prospects of 
Louis XVIII. He was now acknowleged King of Prance both by 
the allied sovereigns and by his own subjects. Soon after the 
announcement of the victory, he left for Tournay, on his way to 
Trance ; and was followed thither by Guizot. 

Intrigues now commenced on the part of the Duke de Blacas, 
which have never been fully cleared up by French historians, and 
which perhaps will never be thoroughly explained; they are there- 
fore difficult to be either discussed or fully comprehended by 
foreigners. It appears, however, that Louis was desirous of retaining 
the services of both Mons. Blacas and Mons. de Talleyrand ; and 
that, finding they could not act well in concert, he endeavoured to 
get rid of Blacas, the less able minister of the two, by sending him 
as Ambassador to Naples. Talleyrand, however, was determined to 
retain his post alone, or to resign it altogether, were the King bent 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 17 

on employing his obnoxious rival. Besides tins, Talleyrand was but 
little anxious that tlie King should hasten his journey into France ; 
whilst Blacas and the Count d'Artois were supposed to have advised 
his hurrying thither, thinking they should thus have hira more in 
their power. Louis XVIII endeavoured, on the one hand, to 
reassure Talleyrand ; whilst, on the other, he journeyed towards the 
English camp, that he might free himself from the importunities of 
his councillors. 

In the midst of these difficulties, the Moderate leaders, who had 
some idea of the real cause of Louis XYIIFs speedy journey into 
Prance, prevailed on Pozzo de Borgo, the Russian Envoy, to 
induce the Duke of Wellington to lay the state of matters before 
Louis, and to take some of the responsibility of guiding the 
councils of the Monarch. The able British General saw the King, 
whom he advised to propitiate Talleyrand, and wrote, assuring that 
minister of the Sovereign's good will, and explaining that he had 
himself advised the hasty journey of Louis. The British leader 
was of opinion that the. King should be replaced on the French 
throne, and re-enter the French capital as soon as possible, after the 
events which had made so sudden a change in Louis' favour. He 
likewise feared that, if any great delay sliould occur in re-instating 
the King, a counter revolution might be produced, and that 
Louis might be re-established in his authority by the Prussians, 
whose excesses during their march into France had caused them to 
be looked upon by the nation as bitter enemies. In short, he felt 
that the Restoration' ought rather to be effected by the assistance of 
England than by that of Prussia. Talleyrand was eifectually ap- 
peased by these representations, and retained his post ; whilst the 
Duke de Blacas was .dismissed from the King's service, his fall having 
occurred, as Guizot well remarks, " rather from mediocrity of talent 
than from any want of zeal in the royal cause." 

Fouche now became the principal intriguer at Louis' court ; 
though neither he nor Mons. Talleyrand were Jong destined to guide 
the councils of their sovereign, as the King leaned towards the 
opinions and principles of the old Royalists, who had acquired a 
vast influence over him during his long exile. He, therefore, pressed 
on to Paris. Many of Louis' friends suggested the removal of 
Fouche from the council board ; but, according to Guizot, both the 
Duke of Wellington and the Count d'Artois had strongly urged 
upon the King, before entering France, the necessity of retaining the 
Si?rvices of so able a minister. -The former had given Louis this 
advice, because he thought Fouche would be the King's best friend, 
and would, in order to advance his own interest, prepare the way for 

D 



18 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

the King's entrance into Prance ; the latter supported Fouche be- 
cause that Prince was a "good-natured, easy man, ready to promise 
everything to any one," so long as it made life easy and saved him- 
self or his brother trouble. 

On the King's arrival at Paris, fresh cabals took place, of which, 
if we are to believe Guizot, the Emperor Alexander of Eussia was 
the author. It was proposed, in order to ingratiate the Czar, that 
Pozzo de Borgo should be appointed Minister of the Interior. 
As he was a Corsican by birth, there would be but little difficulty in 
his becoming a Frenchman ; in fact, he had been considered as such 
ever since the island had fallen under Prench dominion. Although 
he had, by his own account, materially assisted General Paoli in 
asserting the independence of his native country against the Prench 
— whose cause had been espoused by the Bonaparte family — 
and had nearly lost his life in these attempts, he now showed little 
objection to adopt Prance as his country, or to enter the service 
of Louis XVIII, the great enemy of his bitter opponent Napoleon, 
and the friend of Alexander of Eussia. Pozzo, moreover, pos- 
sessed those diplomatic talents so necessary to a Russian statesman, 
and which made him, in this critical period, indispensable to the 
Czar. In order, therefore, that the Emperor of Russia might be pro- 
pitiated, and yet retain his able ambassador, Louis appointed the 
Duke de Richelieu as head of his council, a Royalist, who, besides 
being descended from a family who had played an important part in 
the former history of Prance, held a place in the King's household 
during the exile of Louis XVIIL Richelieu had, moreover, the 
advantage of being looked upon with favour by the Czar. His 
colleagues were most of them Royalists of the old school, and 
therefore too strong for Pouche and Talleyrand ; Pouche, received 
with coolness by the King, was at length obliged to retire from his 
councils, — to leave Paris, never to return, and to content himself by 
ending his eventful career as Minister at the insignificant Court of 
Dresden. Talleyrand, although he retained his influence for some 
three months longer, found that the King and his cabinet were bent 
upon pursuing their own arbitrary course. 

The Royalists were now all powerful in the kingdom, and desired 
to revenge themselves upon those who had so long and so unjustly 
deprived^them of their rights. The Cliambers, which were soon 
called together, consisted almost entirely of that party; although, 
like the faction itself, it was divided into Absolute and Moderate 
partizans ; the former occupied the left side of the chamber, andsup- 
ported the ministers and their measures ; while the latter formed the 
right division, and took up the line "that arbitrary measures were 



M. GUIZOT AND UIS TIMES, 19 

:ely to lose for the King the popularity which his new government 

Id then obtained/' 
The Chambers at once proceeded to elect their President, and 

lose Mons. de Laine, a man of talent, moderate opinions, and great 
integrity; bnt who was wanting in the firmness and energy necessary 
to make him respected in any administrative post. 

The first measures of importance which the Chambers discussed, 
was what Guizot calls "Exceptional Laws." The King, with his 
usual prudence, had, on his entrance into France, promised a general 
amnesty for all past offences against the royal autliority — except to 
those persons who had actually borne arms against the Monarch. The 
ministers seemed to think that this act of grace extended over too 
wide a field, and that the King ought to proceed with greater rigour 
against his former enemies. They therefore introduced some strin- 
gent exceptional laws against both Bonapartists and Republicans, 
thinking thus to include many persons who were otherwise likely to 
escape. These measures were not carried without violent opposition ; 
and their execution occasioned general discontent throughout the 
whole kingdom, as the great military leaders of course became the 
principal victims of Royalist suspicion and tyranny. Guizot blames 
his colleagues for their treatment of Marshal Ney. He is of opinion 
that he might have been treated with greater leniency, and that his 
death was unjustifiable. It should, however, be remembered that 
the Marshal, when he took the command of the army sent against 
Napoleon, most decidedly pledged himself to bring back Napoleon 
a prisoner to the capital; and, although this was perhaps a rash 
promise, it still showed that the leader left Paris with the full 
intention of thoroughly supporting the King, and that he had at. all 
events intended not to give up his cause without a struggle. His 
joining Napoleon, therefore, as soon as he met him, could only be 
.looked upon by the King as premeditated treachery, and as such, 
merited the greatest severity. The King and his government had, 
however, not as good an excuse for the vexations which they daily 
inflicted on the minor leaders of the army ; and Guizot mentions, 
amongst other instances, the severe treatment to which a certain 
General Bernard was subjected, who seems to have been surrounded 
by spies and emissaries of the government, and forced to offer his 
services to the United States of America. Being an able ofl&cer in 
the artillery, he was well received in the States, where he rose to 
a considerable command. When he asked permission of the Minister 
of War to be allowed to join that service, he was peremptorily 
refused ; the minister then tendered him a higher French appoint- 
ment, which was indignantly declined ; and the General soon after 
quitted France. 



20 M. GDIZOT AND HIS TIMVS. 

Tlie Protestants, about this time, were treated Avitli considerable 
rigour, under the ministry of tiie Due de Eichelieu; and the old 
laws in favour of the Catholic clerg}^ were brought forward and 
revised in the Chambers ; tliough not without a good deal of angry 
discussion. 3Vlons. Decazes, the active and indefatigable Minister of 
Police, carried out these measures witli unwarrantable severity. 
Guizot, being a Protestant, and a strong supporter of the followers 
of that faith, was thus, notwithstanding his loyal principles, obhged 
to resign his post as Secretary General to the Minister of Justice, 
and to retire for a short time from the government. His eminent 
services, however, enabled him soon to return to it as Master of 
Kecjuests — in 1816. 

These severe measures and the discontent which they occasioned 
out of door>;, as well as the violent opposition with which they were 
met in the Chambers, at length made the King and his ministers 
reflect, whether it would not be wise to dissolve so unpopular a body. 
Tliis step was, however, long under consideration before it was 
executed, and the ministers themselves were very divided as to its 
expediency. ,It was much blamed by the press, and many able 
pamphlets appeared against it from the pens of several illustrious 
writers, the most distinguished being Mons. de Chateaubriand. 
The King long hesitated over the course he should pursue ; but 
when he had taken his resolution, he acted with firmness ; for he 
])ossessed a dignity of character which, when he had fully made up 
his mind, overcame all opposition. The Chambers were dissolved 
at the end of the year, and it was not a little extraordinary to behold 
the same re-action in favour of Eoyalty and arbitrary measures, as 
after the English Eestoration, centuries previously. The new Cham- 
bers, which were convoked in 1816, showed, by their measures, 
how difficult it was to establish freedom in France, after all its 
institutions had been swept away by revolutions. It had to sketch 
out a new constitution, and to begin, as it were, by constructing 
the very elements of liberty. According to Guizot, the Chambers 
were made up of three parties ; the majority being in favour of the 
ministry, it formed what was called the " Cote Gauche ; " and 
was, on the whole, for a Moderate policy. The " Droit " was formed 
of Eoyalists, who supported tlie ancient regime ; whilst there was a 
large party of men who, voting under leaders of eminent political 
and oratorical ability, seemed to have chosen a middle course between 
the two parties ; these, while they held some of the doctrines and 
principles of the revolution, contended that it had been pushed to 
too great extremes, and that, when the revolutionary principles were 
kept within moderate limits, they were perfectly compatible with a 
constitutional monarchy — the government of all others which was 



M. GUIZOT AXD HIS TIMES, 21 

desired in "b'rance. The left side were neither Royalists of tlie 
absolute cast, nor Democrats ; and therefore, to some degree, sup- 
jDorted tlie King. 

The first important measure which came under the consideration 
of this assembly was the Electoral Law ; and it appears that Mons. 
Laine, the Minister of the Interior, who was commissioned to draw 
it up, found considerable difficulty in arranging the electoral college 
in the various departments, and in so adjusting the qualifications of 
the electors, that the Revolutionary party should not have too much 
influence in the elections, and yet that they should be sufficiently 
popular to admit of the middle classes having their proper share of 
])Ower. If he made the qualifications too dependant upon property, 
lie would then place the elections entirely in the hands of the 
aristocracy; if, on the other hand, he introduced universal suffrage, 
he would hand over the elections to the power of the lowest of the 
community. In these difficulties, he called upon Guizot to give him 
an assistance, which that statesman gladly afforded. They decided 
that the possession of three thousand francs in the funds, and the 
attainment of the age of thirty, should be considered sufficient 
qualification to enable a person to vote in elections. This law was thus 
propounded to the chamber, and passed with much opposition. The 
qualifications not depending upon landed property, enabled the middle 
classes to acquire pohtical influence ; whilst it being indispensable 
for the electors to possess a respectable sum in the funds, prevented 
the mob from exercising any power. 

Here Guizot boasts that he was frequently, during the period 
which extended from 1814 to 1848, the sole champion of the 
middle classes in the Chambers and the Government. We doubt, 
however, whether Prench freedom was either so durable or so general 
as Guizot would make us believe. Louis PhiHppe was often obhged, 
in the early part of his reign, to curb the over liberal spirit of his 
subjects by strong measures ; and, had liberty been firmly established, 
it would not have yielded during the troubles of 1848 ; but French 
liberty at that period was in the same condition as in England at the 
death of Queen Ann. Had the Pretender been restored to the 
throne and to his just rights, the English constitution would have 
met with the same fate that French liberties have at the hands of 
Louis Napoleon ; our popular institutions would have been crusiied 
in the bud, and we should now be living under the tyranny of a 
military despotism. The electoral law ha^ang now been satisfactorily 
disposed of, a subject quite as difficult to deal with was brought under 
the consideration of the Chambers — viz. the "Recruiting of the 
Army." This was much op])osed by the right side, who desired that 
aU the highest offices and places of emolument and trust in the army 



22 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

should be given, as in the days of the ancient regime, to the nobility. 
The Portfolio of Minister of War was, however, held at this period 
by Marshal de Saint Cyr, an old officer who had seen mncli service 
in the days of the Revolution and the Empire. Tie united in his 
ciiaracter much good sense, courage, and originality of thought ; and, 
although he was a sincere Royalist, he clearly perceived that the 
exclusive principles of the supporters of the ancient regime could 
give satisfaction neither to the army nor the country. As an old 
soldier, bred in the wars of the Revolution, lie had acquired some 
experience of what could be performed by officers who had risen 
from the ranks. He proposed to make all liable to military service, 
as in the days of the Empire ; and the marshal's baton within the 
grasp of the soldier of fortune, as it had been in the times of the 
Jacobins, and of Napoleon. During the period of peace, he made 
severe examinations the test of merit ; and what G aizot praises in 
him most, is tlie desire he had of retaining the services of the old 
soldiers of the empire, as a reserved force and a school, where the 
young recruit might learn discipline and obedience, instead of dis- 
banding them and following the policy which Charles II and his 
minister Clarendon did towards the fifth-monarchy men, who formed 
the fine troops of Oliver Cromwell. Guizot aflirms that these regula- 
tions not only satisfied the army, but kept it in a state of order 
and disciphne from which it never swerved, until the Revolution in 
1848. 

The next important subject which occupied the attention of the 
Chamber was "the restriction to be imposed upon the press." 
Guizot made his first speech in defence of this measure, and confined 
himself rather to a clear statement of facts than to any attempt at 
rhetoric. Although the press had often been his ally, and the means 
through which he had been enabled to express his opinions, yet, on 
the other hand, it had quite as frequently proved his adversary. He 
therefore boldly stated his views, first expressed in 1814, "that the 
press could not remain completely uncontrolled, unless accompanied 
by a very strong social and^ political organization, as in England, in 
which country its unrestricted freedom had been well tried.'' This 
opinion clearly shows how little real advance the Erench had made 
in constitutional liberty, with all their revolutions and changes of 
government. 

Students of English history well know how parliaments were 
assembled to carry out the arbitrary laws imposed upon the 
people by their monarchs, and to assist them in levying oppressive 
taxes. Even the arbitrary and capricious Henry VIII never disputed 
the acknowledged fact which had been so long established in the 
Enghsh mind ; and all his oppressive taxes were attained through 



i 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 23 

this constitutional means. His contradictory laws, also, concerning 
the sucession, received the sanction of parliament ; and the influence 
of his arbitrary daughter, Elizabeth, which was stretched to a farther 
extent even than his own, is mainly to be attributed to her skilful 
management of parliaments. In this acknowledged authority of 
parliament was to be found the future material for a popular 
government in England, and may be said to have formed the source of 
our present happy constitution. Nothing similar, however, existing 
in France, it would have been well for them if some steady course 
of liberal measures, such as Guizot describes, had been followed in 
1789 ; for they would have saved the country the disorders and 
horrors of the Eeign of Terror, and the long and disastrous war with 
Europe of twenty-five years' duration, 

Guizot shrewdly enquires how it happened that the Restoration, 
which had brought peace and prosperity to Erance, was, neverthe- 
less, so little appreciated by the Erench people ; and why discontents 
should everywhere have arisen against Louis XVIII. He believes 
that the ministry, which was at first so arbitrary in its government, 
had had its views moderated by several changes and by the admis- 
sion of Mons. de Laine and the M^irshal de Saint-Cyr into its ranks ; 
and although it did not reap the credit of possessing any particular 
vigour, or of displaying much ability in its administration, yet it set 
itself in earnest to amend the past, to erect buildings of utility 
throughout the kingdom, to undertake the establishment of schools, 
the making of roads, and various other improvements, which were 
much required after the country had been engaged in so long and so 
disastrous a war. It would appear, therefore, that the nation had 
no just reason to be dissatisfied with the Monarch and his Cabinet. 
Revolutionary opinions which had so long prevailed were, however, 
difficult to eradicate ; and although much danger menaced the 
authority of the crown from this source, it was not the only one ; 
for it was no easy matter to make the old administrative government 
of Louis XIV and Napoleon work well with the popular constitution 
of a legislative assembly. Guizot affirms that, in England, Belgium, 
Switzerland, and the United States of America, where the real power 
had been long vested in an assembly, the social affairs of the pro- 
vinces were either left entirely to their own jurisdiction, or else, 
when of sufficient importance, were legislated on in the assembly. 
In France, however, where a new constitution was being organized 
and had scarcely commenced, the ministers of the state thought it 
necessary to busy themselves with many petty concerns in the pro- 
vincial government. This interference, in the early port of Louis 
the Eighteenth's reign, did no good, while it often wounded many 
sensibilities better left alone, and created considerable discontent 



24 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

amongst the luke-warm supporters of the ministry. It never has 
been the practice of French orators and leaders of parties to commit 
themselves solely to the direction of any minister whose measures 
they may generally support ; the consequence was, at that period, 
that any Cabinet might find itself suddenly attacked by those from 
whom it previously received the most strenuous support. The 
Cabinet could not always tell who were likely to be its friends and 
who its enemies of the three parties into which the Chambers were 
divided. The Doctrinaire, or centre, were the best able to give 
assistance to the ministry, owing to the known talent of their 
leaders, being more suited to the exigencies of the times than 
either the extreme left or the extreme right. The former, although 
Moderates, founded their principles in the turbulent days of the 
Eevolution, and were therefore sometimes rather inclined to push 
their liberal ideas to extremes ; whilst the latter still clung with 
invincible obstinacy to the old exploded notions of the ancient 
regime. Though the Doctrinaires held liberal ideas, they never- 
theless saw the necessity of combating both the despotism of the 
ancient regime, and the ultra-democratic principles of the Revolution. 
The ministers were, however, too haughty in their conduct towards 
the leaders of this influential party; whilst they themselves were too 
independent to secure employment from any cabinet, however liberal. 

Added to all this, the ministry were still more embarrassed by 
the negotiations which had been carried on at Eome for a new 
Concordat, and which had been committed to the-Duke de Elacas, 
who executed his instructions in a most injudicious manner. The 
Concordat infringed so much upon the liberties of the Gallican 
Church, that, when it was presented to the Chamber, it was not only 
strongly opposed in that body, but also subjected to the severe 
animadversions of the press and the various periodicals of the day, 
to which Guizot contributed no small share. 

Things were in this gloomy state, when the Due de Eichelieu 
was called upon, in 1818, to attend the conferences of Aix la 
Chapelle. He was a minister who, destitute of the more brilhaut 
talents, had, nevertheless, made himself respected more than any 
who had governed Prance for a long period. His moderation and 
prudence in the internal administration, his sincerity and honour in 
the management of foreign affairs, and his tact and prudence, had 
enabled him to obtain more advantageous terms from the allies than 
they were at first inclined to impose upon Prance. During his 
absence at Aix, the ultra-K,oyalists in the Chambers, and even some 
of the members of the Cabinet, wished to modify, if not to abolish 
altogether, the electoral law. They had never been able to submit 
willingly to the Charter, and were still more adverse to liberalism in 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. Zb 

a monarchical constitution. Many of the ministers, as well as the 
inferior functionaries of the Government, threatened to resign if 
modifications were attempted ; and the Due de Richelieu, on his 
return from Aix la Chapelle, found that disputes had arisen so high in 
the Cabinet, that he thought it necessary to tender his resignation to 
the King. The Count d'Artois and the ultra-Eoyalists, who were 
always ready to take advantage of any false step of their o])ponents, 
now intrigued to form a, new ministry, and circulated secret notes 
addressed to foreign sovereigns. Their cabals were, however, coun- 
terbalanced by those of the Liberals. Louis XVIII scarcely knew 
at. this crisis who to call to his councils. The Duke of WeUington, 
if we are to believe Guizot, advised the King to ally himself more 
closely to the RoyaHsts. This we, however, doubt j as so clear- 
headed and judicious a man as the British leader must have per- 
ceived how distasteful to the nation their principles and policy had 
become. 

Louis seems, in this crisis, to have exercised his usual prudence, 
as he accepted the resignation of the Due de Richelieu, but did not 
discard all his colleagues. The King, therefore, commissioned 
Decazes, one of the ablest statesmen of Richelieu's cabinet, to form 
a new one. It was unnecessary to make any great changes at first, 
supported as he was in the Chamber by the Doctrinarians and the 
moderate "right and left.'' He was soon deserted, however, by 
Saint-Cyr and Laine, who both declared that they would not vote for 
the abolition or modification of the electoral law. Decazes now filled 
up these vacancies ; but, owing to the confusion of parties and to 
the opposition occasioned at his attempt to modify the electoral law, 
he could not hold the governra<^nt with any firm hand. 

Mons. de Serre, one of his ablest colleagues, wished the King to 
recall Richelieu, who was then travelling in Holland. His friends, 
however, declared that he was little inclined to resume his former 
post. The Decazes ministry became, however, each day weaker and 
more embarrassed, and the scandal of the election of Mons. Gregoire, 
an old regicide, together with the assassination of the Due de Berry, 
hastened its downfall. Decazes continued throughout his whole 
administration to press the modification of the law of election, for 
which he was not only much blamed, but strongly opposed by his 
inferior supporters in the council, and by none more so than by 
Guizot himself, who paid the penalty of his violent opinions by being 
dismissed from the council of which he was a member. If Guizot 
had studied his own interest, he would have remained silent; for, 
not being a member of either Chamber, and holding only a seat in 
the Council, he need not have spoken at all on the matter. It was 
certainly unnecessary for him to have stirred up the opposition. 



26 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

Decazes' ministry was followed for a short interval by tliat of 
the Due de Eiclielieu, who again with great reluctance took office. 
He was, however, too diffident of his own power, and too weak in 
party to keep the violence of the right within proper bounds ; and 
was, therefore, unable long to retain his influence. Mons. de Villele 
followed in the ministry ; who, according to Guizot, had obtained 
political power by adhering closer to party principles than any other 
Prench statesman of that day. He had often paid dearly for his 
consistency as a partizan, as he was frequently obliged to support 
measures which were contrary to his better judgment, in order not 
to lose the confidence of his party. He had been all along a violent 
ultra-Eoyalist, and had defended these principles against the Mode- 
rates. He and his party were now most necessary to the crown, as 
a spirit of agitation had everywhere risen through the country ; and 
the King rather required a cabinet that would pursue a course of 
severe measures with firmness, without fearing consequences, than 
counsellors who might be induced to adopt reforms. According 
to Guizot, the parties in the Chambers now consisted of three 
sections — first, the ultra-Royalists, who formerly supported Mons. 
de Viliele in all his most stringent measures ; secondly, those who 
supported the liberal ideas of the dift'erent malcontents, but who 
were not directly in league with them, or made aware of their 
conspiracies to upset the government. Thirdly, a section consisting 
of those who not only openly declared their revolutionary opinions, 
but who also connived at the many insurrections which were then 
occurring in different parts of Prance. This third party was headed 
by the famous La Fayette, of revolutionary note, who had fired 
upon the populace in 1792, and who had throughout the early 
part of the first great Revolution led the National Guard. His 
character is well pourtrayed by Guizot, who says that he was 
courageous, generous, but rash ', that he wanted political judgment, 
but had throughout his whole career shown great political rectitude and 
consistency. He was, however, carried away by his desire of popular 
favour. This made him useful to I<ouis XVI and the royal family, 
in the early part of the revolution, as it often enabled La Fayette 
to place himself between the monarch and the people, and so to 
protect Louis and his family from the insults of the mob. La Fayette 
was, like most of the revolutionary leaders, desirous of obtaining 
power for himself. Nothing could be more disinterested in his 
early career than his abandonment of all his brilliant prospects at 
the gay French court, in order to serve the doubtful cause of 
American freedom, which had not at that time reqeived the open 
support of governments : and his generous support of the sinking 
royal cause dumng the most terrible part of the Revolution. La 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 27 

Fayette stood aloue during the days of the empire ; and he opposed 
the return of Louis XVIII, in 1814, because he feared that he 
would bring back the absolute principles which he had combated 
during his whole life. He supported the Emperor in the Cents 
Jours, because he beheved his cause to be that of the people ; and 
he was again inimical to Louis XYIII on his return in 1815. 

The other leaders -were men of very different stamp to La Payette, 
and were easily induced to launch out into all the excesses of 
revolution. They were mostly men of energetic but uncultivated 
mincls, but prone, hke all Trenchmen, to be carried away by their 
ideas, however chimerical or visionary ; who, had they been success- 
fid in gaining their ends, would have been equal in tyranny to 
Eobespierre, Danton, and their associates. 

Conspiracies everywhere broke out in the country, but were soon 
happily suppressed by Yillele. The executions, which occurred in 
great numbers, must have been sufiicient to strike terror amongst 
the insurgents, however bold in character, and however well 
organised their plans. Yillele, owing to his firmness and ability, 
and to the strong support of his party throughout this period, 
was enabled to overcome all obstacles ; though his talents 
rather fitted him for the administration of local affairs than for 
conducting any difficult negotiations with foreign states. Such 
abilities were, however, not much required during the earlier part 
of his administration, as the dangers occasioned by the insur- 
rections in tlie interior of the country had wholly engrossed the 
attention of the government, and excluded all consideration of 
foreign politics. Indeed, Yillele had no one in his cabinet capable 
of conducting foreign affairs. He had learned, during the adminis- 
tration of the Due de Eichelieu, that a non-intervention policy with 
neighbouring states was the most prudent and most acceptable to his 
country ; but as Italy and Spain participated in the revolutionary 
ferment, Trance could not long continue indifferent to her foreign 
relations. 

In Italy, the revolution had been put down by the strong and 
able policy of Prince Metternich ; whilst Spain gave great anxiety 
to the rest of Europe. Ferdinand had, with the usual bad faith 
which characterised the Bourbons in Spain, promised to give his 
consent to the liberal constitution which had existed during the 
Peninsular war. As soon, however, as he found himself firmly 
seated on the Spanish throne, he annulled his consent, and passed 
most absolute and tyrannical laws. This created much discontent; 
and Louis XYIII therefore felt it necessary to assist the King of 
Spain in suppressing these insurrections, and in upholding the 
dignity and power of his family. Under these circumstances, he 



28 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

collected a large force on the Spanish frontier, which was to be 
ready to march into Spain in case of emergency; and therefore 
alarmed the other powers of Europe, and called forth their inter- 
vention ; Yillele was therefore obliged to adopt some more decided 
policy than had hitherto distinguished his cabinet. He was 
desirous of procuring some one who would aid him in his 
foreign policy, who would not outshine him in talent, and yet 
meet with the approbation of his King and party. Believing that 
Mons. Montmorency possessed all these qualifications, he solicited 
the King to appoint him to the post of foreign Minister. Louis 
was, however, extremely averse to this plan, and answered : " We 
must be cautious in conferring this office upon Montmorency, as he 
is a man of narrow mind, whom we can never trust, and who will 
inevitably betray us." If Montmorency had not the good -will of 
the King, he nevertheless possessed the confidence of the ruling 
party, and the Premier persisted in his request. Villele had soon 
to regret this appointment, and further became anxious to remove 
another rival, Mons. de Serre, from the Chambers, for which purpose 
he offered him the post of French Ambassador at Naples, which duty 
was gladly accepted. 

In the mean time, however, Mons. de Montmorency had applied 
for the same post for his nephew ; and Villele was anxious not to 
offend a new minister who had just entered the Cabinet. He found, 
however, that it would be more important to silence such an opponent 
as Mons. Serre, than to ingratiate himself with the new Foreign 
Minister. 

Chateaubriand, whose opposition was neutralized by his 
appointment as Ambassador to England, where he was looked 
upon rather as a distinguished writer than as a great politician, 
did not receive that enthusiastic adulation to which he had been 
accustomed elsewhere. Indeed, he tells us, in his Memoirs, that, 
although the banks of the Thames drew all sorts of talent to their 
vicinity, yet they as quickly repelled it ; and he exclaims, " What a 
world is London society ! and what a life is a London season ! I 
cannot endure it, and would rather be confined in the galleys than 
be doomed to remain there." Besides his dislike of England and 
its society, he pined for some more active occupation than could be 
furnished by the easy routine of the Embassy. He tlierefore solicited 
another appointment ] and Yillele found something more suited to 
his taste at the court of Madrid, where Spanish affairs were to be 
settled by the representatives of the great powers of Europe. He and 
Mons. de Montmorency were sent thither to represent France ; though 
with opposite instructions, and as a check on each other. Neither 
Ambassador was much trusted by Villele ; though Chateaubriand, 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 29 

bein^ backed in his views by the Emperor of Eussia, was soon 
enabled to carry out his warlike policy in opposition to his colleague. 
Guizot seems to think that the war in Spain was unnecessary, 
as neither the life nor the government of Ferdinand VII were much 
endangered by the machinations of the liberal party in Spain ; and 
contends " that subsequent Spanish history has proved that country 
to be hostile to the growth of revolutionary spirits." He also 
aflSrms that it would have been more creditable to Trench honour if its 
government had allowed events to take their own course^ as we did 
in 1848. The French interference was infinitely more dangerous to 
the stability of their government, than the commotion in Spain in 
1833 could have been to that of France. We fully concur with 
Guizot in the opinion that it is an evil for any one state to 
interfere in the internal affairs of another without good cause. 
The- war in Spain was, however, attended with success to the French 
arms, and strengthened the power of the house of Bourbon. 
Although Chateaubriand was dissatisfied with the policy that had 
been pursued by his Cabinet, he, notwithstanding, sanctioned it. 
He was less satisfied with the General who had been sent to carry it 
out, than with the measures that were taken ; and he complained 
bitterly, both in his own Memoirs and in the correspondence con- 
tinually kept up with the Emperor Alexander, of the coldness and 
contempt with which he had been received by the Duke and Duchess 
d'Angouleme ; which, together with the distrust showed towards him 
by Villele, made him a powerful rival, though not yet an open enemv. 
He and Montmorency showed their spite by intriguing with the 
Emperor of Eussia for the much- coveted honour of the Cross of St. 
Andrew, which they both obtained, to the exclusion of their chief, 
Yillele, on whom the King at once bestowed the French Order of 
St. Louis, observing tliat it was more valuable than any foreign 
order of knighthood. Mons. de Montmorency and Mons. -de 
Chateaubriand, perceiving how much they had hurt the feelings of 
Villele, and fearing that, instead of being merely rivals in the same 
Cabinet with him, they might become enemies in the opposition, now 
did their best to induce the Emperor of Eussia to confer the much- 
desired order on the French Premier ; and their solicitations were 
listened to by the Czar. Although this was but a trivial piece of spite 
on the part of Chateaubriand, it appears that it filled up the measure 
of offence against him on the part of the King and his first minister, 
as Chateaubriand was soon after dismissed from his post without 
apparent reason ; and as Villele made no effort to prevent his dis- 
missal, and displayed more temper about it than his wont, the blame 
of this measure was thrown upon him ; though whether he advised it 
or not, seems never to have been clearly ascertained. 



80 M» GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

No two men, if we are to believe Guizofs account, could have 
been more different in character than Vill^le and Chateaubriand ; 
and they seem to have been much better matched as opponents than 
as ministers in the same Cabinet. Yillele was a man of great perse- 
verance and resolution, who calmly pursued an object until he had 
attained his end. His ambition in political life had been to obtain 
power by closely adhering to the principles of his party, and, when 
acquired, to hold it with a firm grasp. Chateaubriand, on the other 
hand, although a man of brilliant and varied talents, was wanting in 
close application. He had tried every career; he had distinguished 
himself as a man of letters, a statesman, and an orator ; and yet, 
when he attained success in his various pursuits, he became disgusted 
with them. He was so thoroughly hlasS with his various occupa- 
tions, as to be unfit to give tlie close attention to affairs which the 
office of a minister required ; whilst it deprived him of all energy 
of action. As a leader of opposition, however, his eloquence and 
sarcasm were of an extraordinary kind, and his peculiar happiness in 
hitting on the weak points of the ministry, and placing them before 
the public in a disadvantageous light, made him particularly dreaded. 
It was one of the false steps of Yillele to dismiss him from his 
Cabinet, and to irritate so dangerous an enemy into opposition, when 
his powers so eminently fitted him to play so conspicuous a part in 
debate. Yillele had notliing to fear from the other politicians 
opposed to him, had not Chateaubriand become a leader of the 
opposition, his most formidable rival, the Due de Eichelieu, being 
dead, as well as his most important colleagues ; whilst Yillele had 
contrived to get rid of his old adversaries. La Payette and Manuel, 
leaders of the Eepublican party. He was also relieved from all 
opposition from foreign courts by the death of the Emperor 
Alexander of Russia ; but when Chateaubriand joined the ranks of 
tlie opposition, Yillele found that he had not only to contend against 
the liberals, but against a section of his own party, who pushed their 
principles in favour of absolute royal authority to the greatest 
extreme, and carried with them the support of the ecclesiastical 
authority, to which even many of the old Eoyalists refused to yield. 
Guizot, although a Protestant, remarks, " that the restoration of the 
old church, after the infidelity of the revolution, had produced many 
beneficial results upon the national mind, by once more turning its 
thoughts towards religion, and thus giving it a respect for social 
order and a tranquil government." As long as the priesthood bent 
tlie ideas of the people towards religion, and did not interfere with 
political affairs, they were an advantage to the state ; but the papal 
clergy could not abstain from attempting to combine the acquisition of 
power with the teaching of religious doctrines. As long as Napoleon 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 31 

and liis marshals governed France, they had checked this priestly 
ambition, and reduced the ecclesiastical' orders to proper disci})line. 
When, however, the restoration was effected, the interests of Louis 
XVIII and the clergy were too much bound together for the 
influence of the latter not to gain ground ; and by the end of his 
reign they had increased their power to a most intolerable height, 

Villele introduced into the Chamber about this time a Bill of 
Indemnity, which gave back to the emigrants much of the property 
they had lost by the Eevolution. It caused a great deal of debate in 
the Assembly, and much indignation out of doors ; though it became 
law and reconciled many of the wavering followers to the party of 
Villele. In this state of affairs, Louis XVIII died, in 1824, and 
was succeeded by his brother, the Count d'Artois, under the title of 
Charles X. This Prince pushed his absolute and ecclesiastical 
principles to most absurd extremes, and thereby lost his throne, like 
James II of England. Villele had long expected this event, and 
had skilfully prepared to meet it, by ingratiating himself with the 
Count d'Artois, by gaining the favour of the ultra- Royalists and 
ancient noblesse, by passing for the first a Bill of Indemnity, and 
by promising that steps should be taken to re-establish the old law 
of primogeniture which had existed before the Eevolution. He had 
no one but Chateaubriand and some of his followers to dread; 
although he soon found that he could not count upon the King's 
friendship, who was bent upon giving the clergy more power than 
even he, with all his veneration for royalty, could ever sanction. 
Villele endeavoured as long as possible to support his master and his 
intolerant ecclesiastical measures. Thus he had no easy task to 
perform, as he was attacked on all sides in the Chambers. He was 
accused of mismanaging the affairs of Spain, of not having properly 
supplied the army> and of having used for his own purposes some of 
the money voted for carrying on the expedition. He could well have 
proved the falsehood of these statements ; but he looked upon them 
as calumnies without foundation, put forward simply to undermine 
his reputation, and, as such, scarcely worth an answer. In addition 
to these obstacles in the Chambers, his influence was daily waning at 
Court : and although Charles X was much disgusted at the con- 
stant attacks made against his administration, yet he could not well 
counteract so much opposition, nor make his minister popular. 
Villele, feeling that his power was thus declining, made use of the 
conditions of the Charter, which enabled him to have a dissolution 
and a new election. 

The new Chamber being adverse to his pohcy, he at once 
tendered his resignation to the King. He had certainly showed both 
ability and sincerity in his administration, although his opinions 



33 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

were none of the most popular. He lived in days wlien it was 
necessary to reconcile the arbitrary principles of monarchy and the 
old regime to the democratic views of the tlevolation ; and although 
his policy and views inclined towards the former, he could not 
entirely neglect the latter while in office. Thus, by his prudence and 
vigour, he had continued to remain in for five years of the most 
diflBcult period of the Bourbon power, when it was menaced on all 
sides, and when the most trivial check might have overthrown it. 

Guizot here breaks off from the political history of his country 
to give us the narrative of his own proceedings, which he takes up 
from the time he was dismissed the Council, in 1820. Having yet 
no place in the Chambers, he had few means of expressing his 
opinions to the public, except through the medium of the press or his 
lectures. Madame la Comtesse de Condorcet, the wife of one of his 
colleagues in the ministry, offered him an asylum in her country 
house, which was prettily situated not far from Paris. Thither he 
retired, with his wife and his son Prancis, now about five years of 
age, " to throw off," as he states. " the cares of a political life, and 
to amuse himself with study and philosophy in the quiet shade of re- 
tirement." He does not seem to have been really satisfied with his 
supposed quiet, and exclusion from the management of public affairs ; 
though he gives a long description of the charms of his new resi- 
dence in the country, and of the pleasures which he derived from 
Jiterature. During this period, he did not wholly neglect to inform 
himself on the state of politics and parties; but wrote several 
political works, the tendency of wliich was to prove, by reference to 
the past history of his country, that French society bad always con- 
sisted of two classes, or, as he is pleased to call them, two different 
races — victors and vanquished, the governing and the submissive 
bodies. The object of his writings seems to have been to maintain 
and augment, if possible, the powers of the middle classes ; and 
they accordingly attracted the attention of many of the leaders of 
conspiracy of that day, many of whom visited him in his retreat. 
Amongst the most distinguished of these visitors was Monsieur 
Manuel, the chief leader of the Republicans, after La Fayette, 
who declared that nothing was to be gained on the part of the 
people by the support of the Charter under Louis the Eighteenth — ■ 
that all the princes of the Bourbon line maintained absolute 
principles, and would be ready at any time, when it suited their 
purpose, to throw off the mask and to betray their too-confident 
subjects. He proposed, therefore, that the throne should be given 
to any other dynasty rather than to that of the house of Bourbon, 
" considering that the privileges of the people would be safe in, 
the hands of any other European royal family," and ended by 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 33 

suggesting Napoleon the Second. Guizot answered "that the Charter 
furnished the best defence to liberal institutions, and tliat the 
restoration of the Bourbons gave a spur to the energies of the 
people in securing their privileges ; whilst the well-known opi- 
nions of the Bourbon princes served to put them on their guard 
against encroachments —that, were the Charter abolished, and the 
Bourbons expelled, liberty would again degenerate into the excesses 
of revolution — and that whoever should be called upon to take the 
reins of government and restore order, would most probably esta- 
blish, not a constitutional monarchy, but a despotism. He ended by 
assuring Manuel that his efforts in favour of liberty would end in 
smoke, and prove injurious to the cause. After this reply, Guizot 
and his visitor conversed with great cordiality upon general topics, 
and parted with mutual respect, though with the firm conviction 
that they could never act well together. 

Guizot now endeavoured to give publicity to his sentiments by 
lecturing, as well as writing ; and resumed his chair of history at 
the University, taking care, however, to exclude political opinions 
of the day from his remarks. Nevertheless, Yillele feared their 
effects, and caused Guizot to be superseded in the University. This 
measure was not unexpected by our author, who now found that he 
had scarcely any means of expressing his opinions, and therefore 
turned his attention to the study of English history and its con- 
stitution. In this portion of his memoirs, he gave us many ob- 
servations on the influence which the two countries exerted over 
each other's moral, social, and political conditions, notwithstanding 
the constant wars which were being carried on between them. He 
seems much struck with the similarity in the past histories of both 
nations, and the resemblance in their struggles for freedom. He 
applauds the wisdom of the English people for making such good use 
of the advantages which their circumstances had afforded, and for 
progressing so steadily and firmly in the formation of free institutions ; 
and asks, " how can the classes in France expect to obtain the same 
results, whilst they neglect to take advantage of passing events ?" 

Guizot, about this time (1826), gave his impressions to 
the public through the medium of the press, and contributed 
to many of the most important journals of Erance, amongst 
which the Review Frangais and the Globe seem to have been most 
favoured. His views, of course, remained moderate, and he seems 
to have been associated in these publications with the most eminent 
literary and political men of that day. In 1828, he was elected a 
member of that celebrated scientific body, the Sorbonne, where he 
seems to have continued his historical lectures, and to have been as 



34 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

careful as formerly not to mix any political opinions with his his- 
torical teaching. 

After the dismissal of Mons. Yillele, the King commissioned 
Mons. Martignac to form a Cabinet — a man of persuasive eloquence, 
moderate views, and amiable private character, who would have been 
an able minister in a firmly estabhshed and popular government. 
He wanted, however, strength of character to rule in such un- 
certain times ; and the rest of his colleagues do not seem to have 
been either men of great ability or of much vigour of character ; 
their views were generally liberal, and they found but little support 
either in the Chamber or from the King. Their ablest friend in the 
fornier was Mons. Eoyer Collard, who had for many years filled the 
important post of President of the Chamber of Deputies, and who 
in that capacity had obtained much political influence. His expe- 
rience and talent enabled him to give much useful advice and assist- 
ance to the ministry. He had held a place in the council in 1820, 
from which he had been dismissed through the opposition of Mons. 
Serre. Eoyer Collard, since that event, had sunk into the deepest 
despondency, which he in vain tried to overcome by the pleasures of 
retirement and study, like his friend Guizot. However, he did not 
in the midst of his solitude give up the idea of political advance- 
ment. Nothing seems to have been too high for his aspirations : 
though he was of a despondent nature. He seems, in his younger 
days, to have been an eloquent debater, and to have exercised no 
small influence over the Chamber ; to which fact may be attributed 
his election to the oifice of President. 

The ministry, owing to their general weakness and to the want of 
sympathy between them and Charles X, were soon obliged to resign ; 
and it now became extremely difficult to find any statesman able or 
willing to undertake the task of forming a new government, It 
was supposed by the most intelligent men in Prance that there 
were only three persons in the whole kingdom who were capable of 
executing such a task — viz. Chateaubriand, Villele, and Eoyer 
Collard. As for the first, he was at Eorae, to which capital he had 
been sent as Ambassador ; Mons. Yillele had, since his dismissal, 
resided at his country house in the neighbourhood of Toulouse, and 
paid little attention to political affairs ; and as for Mons. Eoyer 
Collard, although he might have conceived the idea of becoming 
Prime Minister of Prance in his most ambitious dreams, he never 
really intended to aspire to such power. 

In this state of politics and parties, the Prince Polignac, who 
had long filled the post of Prench Ambassador at the court of St. 
James's, having obtained a few davs' leave of absence, came over to 



M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 35 

Paris. On arriving in the Prencli capital, he was immediately 
ordered to present himself before his Sovereign, by whom he was 
commissioned to form a new government. All parties were sur- 
prised at this appointment; all equally wondered what policy could 
be taken up by the King and his new ministry. The most intelligent 
French politicians, however, clearly perceived that an approaching 
and serious struggle was about to occur between the King and the 
people, and all parties quickly assembled round the scene of action. 

In 1.830, Guizot was elected, for the first time, a member of the 
Chamber of Deputies, and received the news of his election whilst 
delivering a lecture at the 8orbonne. This intelligence was wel- 
comed by his hearers with acclamation, and he was generally 
congratulated upon his success. 

Although great political excitement was felt by all parties in the 
short period which intervened between Polignac's accession to office 
and the assembling of the Chambers, yet none showed it by the 
usual attempts at conspiracy or rising. Every one was quiet, await- 
ing with the greatest anxiety the next change, fearing that it would 
end in revolution at home, and perhaps a long war abroad. The 
Moderate and Liberal parties were firmly resolved to resist any en- 
croachment on the part of the crown, and to give their support to 
the Charter and Constitution. Guizot was not called upon by his 
election to take any immediate steps as an active politician. He 
continued his lectures at the Sorbonne, and quietly viewed what 
was going on around him. He prepared for what he believed 
an obstinate contest between absolute monarchy and liberal institu- 
tions, and made himself popular with the young men. The public 
expectation was now at its height, and every one speculated as to 
the conduct the King and his ministers would really adopt when the 
Chambers met. The King at length made a speech of a most 
arbitrary kind, the principles of which were alone supported in the 
Peers by Chateaubriand, whose eloquence and talents might have 
made him a host in himself, had he been a minister, and could he 
have found a few voices to cheer him with their support ; of course 
they were of no avail against the wlioJe chamber. In the Deputies, 
a strong address, containing very liberal opinions, was drawn up, 
and voted in answer to the King's speech. Koyer Collard attempted 
to soften down the members in favour of his Sovereign. He did not, 
however, much relish supporting the address, which he thought a 
great deal too violent, although, as President of the Chamber, he 
was obliged to give it his consent. Guizot defended it in his maiden 
speech, as a member, and was also one of those who attended the 
deputation that laid it before Charles X. The King gave no im- 
mediate answer, but showed his indignation by proroguing the 



36 M. GUIZOT AND HIS TIMES. 

Chambers, which were immediately dissolved. Many of the Moderates 
enquired of Guizot and his friends what steps should next be taken ; 
as they did not wish to involve the country in a revolution, and 
yet they were unwilling tamely to submit to the arbitrary measures 
of the King. During this anxious interval, Guizot spent some time 
at his own native place of Nismes. Many of the ministers 
at this crisis became frightened, when they perceived that an 
open rupture was likely to take place between the monarch 
and his subjects, and resigned their posts. Amongst this 
number was the Chancellor Dambray, with whom Guizot was 
intimately acquainted, and with whom he kept up a continual cor- 
respondence. In one of his letters, the Chancellor informs Guizot 
that affairs, in his idea, had assumed a very gloomy aspect, and that 
he had had a very long conversation on the political state of the 
country with the Ptussian minister, Pozzo de Borgo, to whom he 
had remarked, that the only effectual means left of persuading the 
King not to abolish the Charter was an autograph letter from the 
Emperor Nicholas, then residing at Warsaw. " He shall write it,^* 
replied the envoy, " from his present residence." Guizot doubts if 
the letter was ever written, much less sent, as the Czar, when asked 
his opinion respecting matters, replied, " If Charles attempts to 
abolish the Charter, he will not only lose his crown and the king- 
dom of France, but also bring about another general war throughout 
Europe.'" Charles X at length called together the Chambers to 
give validity to and confirm his measures. 

At this interesting and eventful point Guizot ends his first vol. 
His narrative of events up to this period is on the whole impartial, 
though mixed with a good deal of egotism and vanity ; and, in a 
political sense, Guizot's book disproves what he himself is anxious 
to assert. Our readers must have remarked that Guizot's read- 
ings of Erench history clearly show that the nation was not, up 
to 1830, in a condition to enjoy free institutions, apart from 
the fact that all principles of government upon which new laws 
might have been based had been swept away by the Erench Revolu- 
tion of 1789, and that statesmen had to form an entirely new 
constitution. It is not in the nature of the impatient and lively 
Erench character to work out steadily and gradually their freedom, 
and to know where to draw the exact line between liberty and 
licence. Had the Erench nation understood its position, the people 
might slowly have worked out their freedom through the peaceable 
and prosperous reign of Louis Philippe, and have formed a solid 
government ; instead of once more passing through the uncertainty 
of revolution, and falling again under a despotism which is quite 
equal in its severity to that of Louis XIV, or the first Napoleon. 



37 
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OE 1830. 



GuizoT concluded the first volume of his Memoirs* at a most 
interesting point, just when Charles X had called the Prince de 
Polignac to his aid — a minister in every way willing and able to 
carry out his arbitrary designs, now that the king had incurred the 
general dissatisfaction of his subjects, and had been openly opposed 
in the Chambers by many sincere Royalists. We have already seen 
liow Monsieur Guizot journeyed back to Nismes and pondered over 
the effects of the coming storm, and we are now invited to listen to 
him as the Historian of the Revolution of 1830, a far more difficult 
task, as he is obhged to narrate the events which occurred during a 
period when he held the important post of Cabinet Minister, and 
when he had liimself a principal share in suggesting the measures 
undertaken by the Government. 

On Guizot's return to Paris he found every thing in a most 
unsettled state — the people and the Chambers were discontented 
with Charles X and the Government, though neither the one nor 
the other had any fixed idea as to what Constitution should be 
established. The Chambers were frightened at the clamour, and 
insolence of the mob, and their fears deterred them from calmly 
deliberating on their future policy, whilst the mob was equally 
undecided in its opinions. At first, its cry was "down with 
the Bourbons," which, however, was soon exchanged for that of 
the " Revision- of the Charter !" and at last seemed ready to 
break out into revolutionary excesses like those of '89 and '90, and 
to demand a thorough Republican Constitution. In this dis- 
ordered state of affairs, the Duke of Orleans, who had long lived in 
retirement, suddenly appeared at Paris, and the post of Lieutenant- 
General of the Kingdom was offered to him. Guizot endeavours to 
excuse his tardy acceptance of this ofiice, and the subsequent 
elevation of the Duke of Orleans to the throne, by stating that 
affairs in Prance were so ' critical, that it required some one 
of high position and talents, and who was also connected with 
the Sovereign, to take the helm and guide the State, and that 
the sovereignty of Louis Philippe, after the abdication of Charles X, 
was an expedient and an inevitable step. All impartial observers, 
however, must look upon the conduct of Louis Philippe as 
questionable ; and allow that he created difficulties as a plausible 
excuse for executing his own ambitious designs. When yovmg, 

* Memoires poiir servir a I'Histoire de mon Temps, par Monsieur Guizot. Vol. II. 



38 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 

he had been surrounded by men of ultra- republican principles, 
he had commenced his career as a soldier in repablicau armies, 
had, during his exile in England and the United States, studied 
the advantages of a Constitutional Government, and had learned 
that any attempt on the part of his family to return to the old 
order of things would be impossible ; he was also surrounded by 
many of his old followers and companions, who advised him to 
adopt liberal measures quite unsuited to such times. Thus he 
wavered between the liberal measures which were suggested to him 
by these men and which suited his own inclhiation, and the vigorous 
conduct which the unsettled condition of France then required. 

Again, after the dignity of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom 
had been conferred upon him, his Government rested on no sure 
foundation. Charles X had not yet left the country, and was an 
encumbrance both to his own supporters and his adversaries ; whilst 
the power of the Duke of Orleans was on the other hand daily 
threatened by a still more formidable competitor in the person of 
Monsieur deLaPayette, whose former services in the cause of American 
independence, and the revolution of 1789, had acquired for him 
many zealous supporters amongst the revolutionary and moderate 
republicans. It was even openly mooted to La Payette, that the 
contest lay between him and the Duke of Orleans; that if the 
moderates were victorious, the latter would become King of 
Trance; but that if the Republicans gained the day. La Fayette 
would be appointed President of a Eepublic then to be established. 
Experience and good sense, however, taught the General that little 
was to be gained by the assumption of such a dignity, and that if a 
Republic was established in Prance, it would be but of short duration. 
La Payette, therefore, wisely determined to exert his influence and his 
popularity in support of the Duke of Orleans, and the cause of order, 
and thus proved most useful in strengthening the authority of the 
Duke, and in securing to him the support of the more respectable 
of the Eepublicans. La Payette was rewarded by being made Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the National Guard, and the Duke of Orleans 
immediately formed a provisional government, of which Guizot was 
appointed Minister of the Interior. The Cabinet, however, was 
but of little real assistance to the Duke, as its members did not agree 
among themselves. Besides this trouble, there was a still more for- 
midable difficulty to contend with in the presence of Charles X > 
who, although too terrified and too weak to wield any power, yet still 
remained in the country. It, however, soon became apparent to the 
ministers that their best policy would be to escort the King to a 
seaport, from whence he could embark for a foreign country. This 
delicate task was entrusted to Guizot, who was authorized to treat 
with the monarch, and to appoint Commissioners who should accom- 



THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION OF 1830. 39 

pany him to any port agreed upon. Charles X was thus persuaded 
to accompany Monsieur Odilon Barrot to Brest, from which place 
he embarked for Scotland. 

The new Government was again troubled by La Tayette, whose 
command had not been properly defined. Guizot might request, 
but he could not command the assistance of the General and the 
National Guard, in case the Government was menaced by the vio- 
lence of the populace. The Minister, however, soon overcame this 
obstacle by great civility to the General, and by promising to abstain 
from interference in military matters. In this way La Fayette was 
appeased, his duties were definitely settled, and the Government 
became more firmly established. 

Guizot's responsibilities, as Minister of the Interior, were, 
if we are to credit his own account, of an overwhelming na- 
ture. He had to dismiss and reappoint nearly one hundred 
Prefects, and to superintend the appointments of professors in 
the various departments of arts and science, as political disputes 
prevailed, even amongst artists and men of letters, who relied on 
political interest more than actual merit for advancement. He 
was also obliged to look to the defences of the country against foreign 
enemies, the revolution in France having occasioned movements on 
the frontiers ; and also to restrain his countrymen in their desire of 
territorial aggrandisement. Both he and his colleagues felt that a 
pohcy of aggression would be injurious to France, and the only case in 
which they gave assistance to those who endeavoured to gain indepen- 
dence by open hostilities, was that of Belgium ; though even here the 
French Government confined itself to acting an auxiliary part, and 
did not attempt to acquire new possessions. The Freiich policy, 
with regard to Belgium, if not entirely just, was at least wise, and 
formed the basis upon which the whole foreign policy of the country 
was conducted during the subsequent reign of the Duke of Orleans 
as King of the French, and which may be briefly summed up 
in the following remarks : — Belgium, whilst united with Holland, 
constituted a formidable barrier to French ambition, as it con- 
tained within its boundaries many of the strongest forts in Europe. 
The Duke of Marlborough, long before this era, had, it seems, 
often contemplated the possibility of a union of the whole of the low 
countries into one kingdom, and had predicted that if such an occur- 
rence should take place, it might strengthen the position of Holland 
against France ; but that it would, nevertheless, be of little avail, 
owing to the great hatred which the inhabitants of the Spanish 
Netherlands had always felt towards the Dutch, and which would be 
difficult to overcome. 

The Spanish Netherlands, in Marlborough's time, were held 
by the German branch of the house of Austria, from the treaty of 



40 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 0¥ 1830. 

Utrecht until the invasion of the Netherlands by the French in 1792. 
At that time the Netherlands were a burdensome and expensive 
possession, and it is thus rather surprising that the suggestion of 
uniting them to the Dutch portion of the low countries should have 
first emanated from so sagacious and far-sighted a statesman as Lord 
Chesterfield, who seems to have overlooked the only utility of the 
measure in the firm barrier it would thus raise to French aggression. 
The mutual hatred of the two people thus politically brought 
into union counterbalanced all the advantages proposed. The 
Netherlands were an easy prey to the French invaders of 1792, and 
remained under their rule until the treaty of 1815, when the allied 
powers, overlooking national predilections, erected a firm barrier 
against French ambition, and a solid support to monarchical power, 
in a union under the Dutch crown. 

The Belgians, however, were never content with this settlement 
of their affairs by foreign powers, and thought that the July revolu- 
tion in France furnished a fitting opportunity for them to assert their 
independence, to throw off the Dutch yoke, and to erect their 
country into a free constitutional monarchy. They accordingly 
asked assistance of the French monarch; and proposed to elect 
his son, the Duke de Nemours, as their future sovereign. Louis 
Philippe was too wise a man to listen to the last of these proposals, 
but had no objection to aid them in gaining their independence, both 
with men and money. He wisely judged that when once freed, the 
Belgians would prove useful allies ; and he accordingly marched a 
force of 86,000 men across country to Antwerp, in the siege of 
which fortress they took a considerable share, and, as is well known, 
obliged the Dutch general to surrender, after a long and hard-fought 
struggle. 

The French gave no act of assistance to the Spanish revolution- 
ists, but allowed them refuge in France; and to a certain degree 
supported their cause with money and good wishes. The revolu- 
tionary spirit which had originated in France, also agitated, at this 
period, the kingdom of Sardinia, the States of the Church, and the 
other Italian principahties. The French government abstained, however, 
from directly assisting these patriots, though the revolutionary fever, 
like an epidemic, spread with surprising rapidity even to the East, 
undermining the Turkish power, which was already menaced by 
Eussia, to a degree injurious to the future safety of Europe. If 
France did not aid the Greeks in their insurrection by actual 
hostility towards the Turks, she at least assisted them by consenting 
to become one of the protecting powers, and thereby establishing 
their freedom. 

Guizot talks much of the peaceable intentions and counsels of 
Eussia and England, to which, he asserts, the tranquillity enjoyed in 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 41 

Europe until 1S1<8 was entirely due. As to Russia, she might have 
been willing enough to attack the new authority of the Duke of 
Orleans, as she looked upon his rise with no favorable eye ; yet she 
was too much occupied near home, in bloody contests with her 
Polish subjects. Again, after the Polish rebellion had been successfully 
crushed, she was obliged to carry on her Persian and Circassian wars. 
The English, on the other hand, have never felt it their interest to 
engage in war, unless substantial advantages were to be acquired, or 
some old ally protected. Guizot takes credit for the appointment 
of Talleyrand as minister in England, and reckons it as one of the chief 
acts of his new government. Thus lie says that Talleyrand's agreeable 
qualities and thorough knowledge of diplomacy qualified him to soften 
those feelings of aversion which the two nations had always felt towards 
each other, and which were likely to be much increased by the 
recent revolutionary outbreak in Prance. Talleyrand, also, carried 
cut the desire of his sovereign, of making powerful foreign alliances ; 
for he had the wisdom to see that a government beset with diffi- 
culties at home, could not hope to obtain much by foreign hostilities. 
In spite of grave complications, many important measures were passed, 
and the internal arrangements of departments and other matters of 
debate carried out, during the short period in which Guizot held the 
post of minister of the interior ; and whatever the disturbed state of 
opinion might have been out of doors, it seems that all parties in the 
Chambers were strongly impressed with the necessity of speedily 
forming a strong and settled government, to oppose the violence of 
the mob. The ministry, however, as we have already remarked, 
were very much at variance on many important points of policy ; 
the chief of which seems to have been the management of the clubs, 
and the treatment of political offenders. With regard to the former, 
Guizot considered that they ought to be coerced by strong measures 
from discussing public affairs; while, on the latter, he was very 
unwilling that political offenders should suffer capital punishment. 
The former of these opinions occasioned great dissatisfaction out of 
doors, and caused many riots, which were put down with a vigorous 
hand, though Guizot and the Due de Broglie escaped the responsi- 
bility of these measures, by resigning their posts in the cabinet. 

Guizot ends his account of this period by a description of the 
character of one of his greatest opponents, M. Odilon Parrot, who 
had held the post of Prefect of the 8eine under the Guizot adminis- 
tration, but who had relinquished office previous to the ministerial 
resignation. He seems to think him a man of great eloquence and 
sincerity, though difi'ering from him as to the mode of carrying 
out the grand principles of the revolution — Guizot being for phy 
sical force, and Odilon Parrot for milder measures. The character 
of this statesman, as painted by our Author, is an extremely candid 

G 



42 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OP 1830. 

and creditable one. He describes him as a man of crude notionf?, 
whose principal excellence lay in eloquence and sincerity, who was in 
opposition to every ministry, and who scarcely knew what he actually 
desired. 

The narrative of the July revolution, as pourtrayed in this 
second volume of Guizot^s Memoirs, although tolerably impartial, 
is not entirely devoid of that egotism and vanity which mark the 
historical writings of frenchmen, when they chronicle the acts of 
their own nation, the events of the period in which they have 
lived, or the scenes in which they have taken a prominent part. If 
we were to believe all that Guizot says of himself in these records, 
it would lead us to suppose that he, and he alone, had brought about 
these changes in the French constitution, that he had prevented 
their being injurious to the country, by checking over-liberal excesses, 
and by achieving all the good deeds that had been performed during 
the whole period. Of course, his ability and his experience as a 
politician rendered great service to the liberal party ; though we think 
he ought to allow more mej;it to his colleaii,ues than he is willing 
to give them. We fully agree with him in his observations that the 
Eevolution in France is not to be compared with that of 1688 in 
England, which placed Wilham III (of Orange) on the British 
throne. The latter was effected without bloodshed, with the con- 
sent of all classes of the community who desired reform, whilst 
they confirmed old but valued institutions. The French changes 
were accomplished with much bloodshed, and were only partially 
established, amid the discontent of a large portion of the nation, and 
a vast change of its institutions. 

The account of Lafitte's new ministry is given in bitter and 
sarcastic words. Guizot considers Lafitte a man of superficial talent 
and agreeable conversation, who might have adorned an inferior 
post in either the ministry or the court, but who was totally unfitted 
by a superficial mind for the office of first minister of so great a 
state as France. He and his colleagues listened to the cry of the 
majority in the Chambers, that the ministry of Charles X should 
be brought to trial, though they opposed the popular notion of 
punishing them by death. The most violent members, as well as the 
most influential popular leaders, considered them guilty, and accord- 
ingly strongly urged upon the ministry the necessity of capital 
punishment. Guizot made one of his ablest speeches in opposition 
to so cruel and rash a proceeding, proving not only its bad policy, 
but even its inutility. He thus carried with him the ministers, and 
all the most moderate men of both chambers. The hatred of the people, 
however, was so strong that it required all the efforts of the ministry, 
of the various leaders of both chambers, as well as all the popularity 
which La Fayette could command, to persuade them to refrain from 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 43 

taking justice into their own hands. Tlie trial was accordingly 
legally conducted, and it brouglit to light the talents and eloquence 
of two men hitherto unknown to the public : Sauzet, who was the 
legal counsel of the ministers, and who displayed in their defence a 
degree of oratory and legal knowledge seldom seen at the French 
bar ; and Montalivet, who was appointed to fill the vacant post in 
the cabinet, as minister of the interior, whose tact and courage 
enabled him to render eminent services to the king at this critical 
state of affairs. He took upon himself, after gome hesitation, the 
responsibility of saving tlie unfortunate ministers of Charles X from 
the violence of the mob, and removed them, under a strong escort, 
to Vincennes, where he placed them in the care of the commander 
of the garrison, who had already shown himself a firm supporter 
of the king's authority when the fortress was threatened by an at- 
tack from the people of Paris, during Guizof s ministry. Many of 
the republicans were, however, enraged that Polignac and his coL- 
leagues should have been thus rescued from the fury of the mob, 
and conveyed to a distance from Paris, in the dead of the night. A 
number of young men, students of the University and the Polytechnic 
School, arose in consequence, and La Payette, who found no means of 
fulfilling the many promises which he had made to his republican 
supporters, in order to facilitate the removal of the unfortunate 
ministry from Paris, was very unwilling to take any offensive 
measures against these malcontents, and complicated matters by tend- 
ing his resignation as commandant of the national guard, believing 
that his influence was so strong, and so necessary to Louis Philippe, 
that he would not dare to accept it. The sovereign did not at once 
give him a decided answer, but asked Montalivet to treat with him. 
In this interview La Payette stated that he could not possibly take 
upon himself the command of the national guard against the people, 
and that he would therefore again send in his resignation to the 
king ; this time in a more decided manner than he had previously 
done. The king, without hesitation, accepted it, and although it 
was midnight, sent at once for the Count Lobau, an old soldier 
who had seen much service, and distinguished himself in the wars of 
the empire, to confer upon him the vacant command. When the 
messenger arrived at Lobau's house, he found the veteran general 
in bed, and when he delivered the king's command the stout old 
warrior exclaimed, with the contempt of a thorough soldier, ''I 
know nothing of the national guard ; I have never commanded them, 
and I do not wish to have anything to do with them." " But," said 
the messenger, " you are requested to take this post in order to drive 
away a tumultuous mob, who have surrounded the Tuileries, and 
who are likely to carry everything before them." " Oh, that is quite 
another thing," replied our old officer ; " I shall be at your ser- 



44 THE FEEMCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 

vice a la minute." The king thus escaped from a very awkward 
position^ though he and La Fayette were much blamed for their con- 
duct in the matter. La Fayette's party accused the king of ingratitude 
and insincerity to their chief, whilst the adherents of the monarch in- 
sisted that La Fayette had conspired against the authority of his 
sovereign. Guizot, however, affirms that both were sincere in their 
intentions. The king probably felt that he owed much to La Fayette's 
popularity and influence, but that policy rendered it necessary to 
deprive him of his command, when it no longer supported the kingly 
power against the mob. La Fayette, on his side, was fully desirous 
of supporting the king ; was proud of bis own power, and wished 
to show by his resignation that the king could not do without him, 
and would be obliged to retain him in his command, without curtail- 
ing his powers. 

As to Lafitte himself, Guizot is furious against him ; charging him 
with being ill informed on foreign affairs, and having become much 
alarmed at the late change of government in England ; and adding, 
that though it was Lafitte's business to draw up the financial reports, 
he was nevertheless too indolent to discharge these duties, and per- 
mitted Thiers to compile them, and only presented them to the king. 
Thiers had already made himself eminent by his eloquence in debate, 
and by immense financial information ; and, as every one knows, has 
since played an important part in the history of Louis Philippe's 
reign. Guizot's account of the disturbances which occurred during 
Lafitte's administration, shows how little the French had learned of 
the science of self-government, and how unfitted they were for the 
enjoyment of liberal institutions. It is much to be feared that the 
unstable nature of all the governments which they have attempted to 
erect since the days of Louis XIV, will prevent their constructing 
a really strong and popular constitution for many ages to come, from 
their want of a good foundation. Lafitte's administration became 
every day more feeble, and his knowledge of foreign affairs was so 
defective, that he recalled Talleyrand from England in order to 
strengthen his government, and to assist him in his foreign policy. 
Talleyrand felt that it would be impossible to leave London, and 
accordingly employed one of his ablest and most confidential agents 
to induce Louis Philippe to confirm him in his appointment ; and 
his request was granted. 

If Lafitte'ft management of foreign affairs was bad, his conduct 
at home was still more vacillating, and more likely to produce inju- 
rious effects, as he offered no firm resistance to the revolutionary 
spirit of the day. An occurrence soon took place which occasioned 
great discontent among the revolutionary party. On the 4th of 
February, 1831, the legitimists assembled in the church of Saint 
Germain I'Auxcrrois, in order to celebrate the anniversary of the death 



THE rUENCH DEVOLUTION OP 1880. 45 

of the Due de Berry, which had taken place some thirty years pre- 
viously. Just as they had commenced mass, the church was sur- 
rounded by an infuriated mob, who burst into the building, tore 
down the crosses, injured the ornaments, and ransacked the archi- 
episcopal library, throwing many valuable works into the Seine. 
The authorities and ministry did not stop this outbreak until it had 
reached its height ; and Lafitte is justly blamed by Guizot for not 
liaving taken a more decided part in the matter, remarking, " that 
if the government knew that a religious ceremony of the kind was 
in contemplation, and if they supposed that an outbreak would 
occur, they ought to have forbidden it altogether ; but if, on the 
other hand, they argued, from the tranquillity which had accompanied 
the celebration of the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI, on the 
21st of the previous January, that no violence would be attempted 
at a ceremony of a similar nature, they ought at least to have been 
prepared for any emergency." 

These riotous scenes in Paris were followed by equally dis- 
graceful proceedings at Aries, Nismes, Montpelher, Angouleme, and 
many other towns in the south and west, which caused Lafitte'sministry 
to be violently attacked by Mons. Delepert, who, though a Protes- 
tant, was shocked at the sacrilege which had been committed on the 
Koman Catholic churches, and who, though not a formidable poli- 
tical rival, was nevertheless a man of considerable oratorical and 
literary abilities. His views were supported by Guizot and his 
friends, who, in our opinion, were much to be blamed for thus ham- 
pering a ministry which they had no chance of superseding ; as, 
whatever their opinion of Lafitte's conduct might have been, they 
could not command sufficient support in the Chambers to enable 
them to form a lasting government. 

The talent of Cassimer Perier, who at this time held the post of 
president of the chamber of deputies, made him a fitting successor to 
Lafitte. He possessed great firmness of character, was an able man 
of business, and a clear and vigorous, though not an eloquent, 
speaker. The struggle with his political rival then in power was 
long and obstinate, Lafitte feeling that should be lose his present 
post, he must sink into a hopeless obscurity. Perier, on the other 
hand, pressed on with renewed vigour, being supported in his views 
by the experienced and well-informed General Sebastiani, who had 
proved a firm ally to his friend whilst out of office, and a most valu- 
able acquisition to his new administration. The contest was at length 
terminated in favour of Casimer Perier, who, sent for by the king, 
was commanded to form a new ministry, in which he became minister 
of the interior, vice Montalivet, who was removed to that of minister 
of public instruction. General Sebastiani received the portfoho of 
foreign affairs, and Baron Louis w^as appointed minister of finance ; 



46 THE FRENCH HE VOLUTION OE 1S30. 

while Marshal Soult was made president of the council. Perier, 
owing to his firmness of character, his business-like habits, and his 
knowledge of internal administration, soon became the real head of the 
cabinet. Though not violently opposed by Soult, he was but feebly 
supported by that general. He, nevertheless, early seems to have 
made up his mind to the course he intended to pursue, and to have 
at once bound his colleagues to the cordial adoption of his policy. 

When the Chambers met, Perier gave a clear exposition of his 
views on political matters, both interior and foreign, and of the plan 
which he and his colleagues intended to pursue. He also addressed 
•a very vigorous circular to the different prefects of departments, re- 
commending them to adopt prompt measures in putting down insur- 
rection; and thus, under a strong hand. Prance assumed a firm 
attitude, both towards foreigners, and to the internal disturbers of 
her tranquillity. It appears, however, that Perier's vigour as a 
minister often led him to acts by no means agreeable to his sovereign. 
Thus he frequently assembled the cabinet and discussed important 
questions, without the presence of the king, which conduct has 
furnished Guizot with the material for a long discussion as to the 
rights of a constitutional monarch. According to Guizot, it appears 
that Perier was somewhat jealous of the interference and influence 
of the young Duke of Orleans. He nevertheless advised the King 
to employ him, together with Marshal Soult, in putting down the 
serious riots of 1881, at Lyons. 

Perier showed good taste in bringing to the notice of the 
Chambers the judgment and courage displayed by the young 
Duke in those expeditions, though his manner in debate was 
marked by the same haughtiness and impatience as in his own 
department. Thus he at one time sanctions and then blames 
the conduct of those who had filled offices in the previous 
cabinet, demands an account of the finances, and the extra- 
vagances of his predecessor. At another, he calls in question the 
conduct of the chief Prefect of Police, and at a word supersedes him. 
His unscrupulous energy even goes so far as to demand that the 
King should change his residence from the Palais Eoyal to the Tu- 
ileries. It was not the advice which Perier offered that so insulted 
his master, as the manner in which he gave it. His reasons for 
this change of residence were, that the Palais Royal, by its situation, 
was more accessible to the mob than the Tuileries, that it was 
less strictly guarded, and that its association as having been the 
residence of Phihppe Egalite attracted the mob more than any other 
palace would do. Although the monarch disliked to abandon a 
palace in which so much of his early life had been passed, he never- 
theless saw the wisdom of his minister's counsel, and accordingly 
made the desii-ed move. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1S30. 47 

At tins portion of his Memoirs, Gnizot gives us a description of 
the pohtical parties likely to become dangerous to the government 
and to the friends of order. The legitimists were an influential 
body in Trance, on account of their numbers, and the men of ability 
comprised in their ranks. They supported old institutions which 
had been long respected in the country ; but they never expected 
to succeed in re-establishing a family who had attempted to restore 
the arbitrary power of Louis XIV and XV. In short, the policy 
which they had advocated was neither suited to the times nor to France. 
The Kepublicans were still more formidable and dangerous to the exist- 
ing government, from their great numbers and the popularity of their 
opinions. It appears, according to Guizot, that the writings of a cer- 
tain Saint Simon, whose views were extremely chimerical and absurd, 
greatly influenced the political sentiments of the republicans ; and 
that their various leaders took the opportunity, during the stagna- 
tion of trade and the want of labour, in the beginning of 1831, to 
excite the artizans at Lyons and Grenoble to rise against their em- 
ployers, and to demand higher wages. These insurrections were 
not put down without a severe struggle, and a considerable loss of 
life ; whilst, at Paris, every street was the scene of a bloody conflict 
between the mihtary and the people, during which order was restored 
chiefly by the determination of Perier. 

The Buonapartists were equally numerous and as influential as the 
other two parties who threatened the government. They, however, 
do not seem to have been so much dreaded, from the fact of their 
clinging to a name, which, although it had surrounded the state 
with former glory, and had added to Prance large territorial posses- 
sions, was apparently never to rise again. Queen Hortense, it appears, 
had sought a refuge in Paris, with her eldest son, Louis Napoleon, 
then flying from Italy; and Perier and his master granted her a 
generous protection as long as her name did not excite revolt amongst 
her partizans. The mob, however, at length joined her name with 
their cries for liberty, and Perier was obliged reluctantly to order 
her to quit the country. She at once left for England, where, after 
a residence of a few months, she obtained a pass through Prance for 
Switzerland, where she ultimately resided. 

Guizot now tells us that long and angry discussions took place in 
the Chambers upon the propriety of erecting a monument to Napoleon, 
on the column of the Vendome, and on the expediency of demanding 
his remains from the English Government, in order that they might 
be reinterred with due honours in the Invalides, The adoption of 
both these measures seems to have been carried by a considerable 
majority, although they were not fully put into effect for a consider- 
able period. 

Guizot thinks that Louis Philippe showed a liberality of mind 



48 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION OF 1830. 

and a generosity of chaiacter hardly to be expected from a sovereign 
who acquired his power in such troubled times, by his consideration 
for the Buonapartists. Although we agree with Guizot in his com- 
mendation of the conduct of the King generally, we yet cannot help 
thinking that this liberality of policy went far towards strengthen- 
ing the influence and importance of the Buonapartists, enabling 
them at length to secure to their chief the election of President 
of the Republic, and thus prepare the way for his elevation to the 
Prench throne. 

Perier busied himself a good deal with the examination of the 
civil list, against which he absurdly complained ; for Louis Philippe 
was not an extravagant prince, and did not indulge in many of the 
expensive pleasures of sovereigns, although his own personal revenue 
was sufficiently ample for him to do so without the supplies from the 
Chambers. Perier soon became unpopular, and anxious to resign. 
!N otwithstanding his firmness, and his haughty demeanour towards his 
sovereign and his colleagues, he yet learnt the galling fact that it 
would be both impracticable and unconstitutional to endeavour to 
carry on the government with a minority in the Chambers, which he 
had dissolved with a view of strengthening his own party, but which 
reassembled with renewed opposition to his policy. The King, as 
well as the ablest leaders, persuaded Perier to retain his post, 
being sensible that, were his firm grasp once relaxed, it would be 
difficult to prevent the nation from falling into a state of anarchy. 
Perier, however, had always been diffident of his own abilities, 
although he had shown great firmness in action ; and it was not until 
the country had been threatened with danger by Belgium, that he 
was prevailed upon to remain in office. English readers may admire 
this moderation and sacrifice of personal ambition, in order to retain 
what might be considered constitutionally right ; but they should 
remember that what was right according to constitutional ideas, was 
nevertheless surrounded by grave disadvantages in a country like 
Prance, where the government was subject to radical changes by the 
slightest revolutionary advances. Having resolved, therefore, to remain 
at the head of affairs, Perier at once acted with vigour, and sent 
a large army to Belgium, to oppose the King of Holland. 

Two anecdotes are related by Guizot, which well illustrate the 
conduct of this minister, both to his sovereign and to the mob. 
During General Sebastiani's illness, Perier conducted the foreign 
affairs of the country, with the assistance of the superintendent of 
that department, and promised to the Count de Eeinvelt the post of 
ambassador at Madrid, although that office was already filled by a 
diplomatist of whose conduct there was nothing to complain. Pe- 
rier accordingly drew out the order conferring on Keinvelt the ap- 
pointment of minister at Madrid, which he sent, with a number of 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 49 

other documents, by one of his confidential agents, to the King, in 
order that it might be countersigned. The King was, however, 
unacquainted with the minister's intentions, and refused to sign, 
directing the agent to return to Perier, who was then in bed, and 
who received the messenger with anger, exclaiming "Leave me alone 
to take my rest." The messenger, however, expostulated, and urged 
that his majesty had never been told of the vacancy. Perier replied, 
with much ill-humour, that he would explain to his majesty on the 
following morning, and that Eeinvelt's appointment should be con- 
Jirmed. Perier, however, thought better of it, and Rtinvelt did 
not get the post. 

When the fall of Warsaw was announced, an infuriated mob met 
Perier and General Sebastiani; they dragged the Premier with 
violence from his carriage, and reiterated loud shouts of liberty and 
long life to Poland ! The minister, putting on his boldest face, 
demanded their wishes. They replied, " Our liberties and Poland \" 
" As to the former," said Perier, " they have been secured to you 
long ago ; and as to the latter, the government will take care that 
proper justice shall be accorded to it. But you are most insolent 
in thus treating Sebastiani and myself, who have done all in our 
power to secure to you your present rights." This bold speech and 
firm demeanour thoroughly awed the mob, and gave time for the 
guard to arrive, whom General Sebastiani had gone to the nearest 
station to summon. 

Perier was remarkable for his practical judgment in the business 
of the Chambers, and in adopting the ideas of other'speakers. He, 
however, possessed little power of logical or historical argument, or 
eloquence in debate ; his firmness generally enabling him to over- 
come all opposition. Some of his most important measures he was 
unable to carry. Amongst the most remarkable of these was the 
bill constituting the Peers an hereditary body in Prance. He 
seems to have been fully impressed with the necessity of giving 
this part of the legislature a greater degree of power and strength 
than it then possessed, in order to form a firm buttress to 
the monarchy ; and many who were opposed to him on matters of 
general policy, were yet wiUing to give him their support on this 
point. Guizot informs us that he himself, Roger Collinet, and 
Thiers, who all belonged to the middle classes, and frequently op- 
posed the minister, felt the full necessity of giving a check to the 
violence and encroachments of the mob, by strengthening the position 
of the Peers. The measure was nevertheless lost, by a very small 
majority. 

Perier's foreign policy hinged on the settlement of Belgium and 
Poland : the former was brought to a prosperous conclusion by the 
abilities and joint efforts of General Sebastiani and M. de Talleyrand, 



50 THE TEENCH EEVOLUTION OF 1830. 

who still held the post of minister at the Court of St. James. The 
Prench government seems wisely to have declined giving any 
assistance to the unfortunate Poles, whose leaders, refusing to be- 
lieve in the repeated warnings of the French Ambassador, wrecked 
their cause by hopeless reliance on French support. Perier at the 
same time treated with a high hand the insults which had been 
offered to the French citizens in Portugal, and received the assistance 
and co-operation of the Whig ministry in England. His armed in- 
terference in Portugal and Italy, however, deprived him of his moral 
superiority in those countries, and all but produced a European 
war — ^a contingency which it was evidently the interest of a 
government, such as that of France in 1831, to avoid. Had the 
reforms which he pressed in the Papal states been practicable, he 
should have brought them about by diplomatic persuasion, instead 
of by armed intervention. He should never have sent a large naval 
expedition to cruise along the Italian coast, nor have threatened 
Tuscany and the ecclesiastical states with invasion, if their rulers did 
not adopt his policy. The King of Sardinia gave the French no 
good reason for interfering in the affairs of that country ; and the 
young King of Naples, who had just come to the throne, was then 
willing enough to listen to the advice of his uncle, the King of the 
French, and to promise those liberal measures which he afterwards 
doggedly repudiated. 

The Turkish question had not yet become of sufficient import- 
ance to involve the French and the other powers of Europe in those 
complications to which it afterwards gave rise. 

Turning from political questions, Guizot now gives us a touch- 
ing account of the frightful effect of cholera, in Paris, during the 
year 183^, together with a feeling eulogium on the charitable exer- 
tions of Madame Eliza Guizot in aid of those who perished from that 
malady. Many of the principal functionaries and members of the 
state were afflicted by it ; and, amongst others, it caused the death 
of Perier himself. He seems to have been alike harassed by his 
own followers and by his opponents. The former were quite unable 
to carry on the government, now that his vigorous hand had ceased 
to grasp the helm — Sebastiani was disabled by the effects of a long 
illness, under which he was still suffering, and could not attend to 
foreign affairs — ^Baron Louis had become old and feeble, and could 
no longer carry on the busines of the financial department; and 
Montalivet was unequal alone to support the entire responsibility of 
the government. Lafitte and his friends were also, on the other 
hand, unable to form a strong government, and the people became 
much agitated. The King, however, acted with great firmness and 
discretion, and sent for Marshal Soult, to whom he confided the 
duty of forming a new cabinet. This task, however, proved a diffi- 



THE FEENOH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 51 

cult one, and it was long before he could prevail on the Duke de 
Broglie to accept the post of minister of foreign affairs ; and Mons. 
Guizot, and several influential men of that party, made it a sine qucL 
non that Broglie should become a minister, before they would accept 
any office, or give the new cabinet any support. Broglie being at 
length persuaded to accept .the post of minister of foreign affairs, 
his friend Guizot was easily induced to join the cabinet as minister 
of public instruction, a post which he informs us brought many 
pleasing associations and reminiscences to his mind, and with an 
account of which he terminates his interesting and eventful second 
volume. 

On calmly reviewing the diversity of subjects treated of in the 
volume before us, we must do Mons. Guizot the credit of saying 
that he has stated his facts in a candid and impartial manner, and 
that he alone, of all the host of French historians of those troublous 
times, has painted a true and dispassionate picture of their events. 
He has certainly shown that the French are not fitted for self- 
government at home, and that they cannot refrain from disseminating 
their reckless ideas, abroad, by force of arms ; nor from seeking 
accession of territory at the expense of their neighbours. 

In conclusion, we cannot help expressing a hearty wish that Mons. 
Guizot, who has already reached a considerable age, and played an 
important part in the poKtical annals of his country, may be spared 
for many years to come, to complete his very valuable contributions 
to the history of his times. 



52 
POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1832 TO 1836. 



We left Mons. Guizot, at the end of his second volume, at a 
critical moment both for the monarch and the French nation, just 
when the formation of the new ministry of October 11th, 1832, was 
on the tapis. As we have seen, it was no easy task to overcome the 
scruples of the Due de Broglie, and others, and to induce them to 
take office uuder Marshal Soult, though many were at length per- 
suaded to join that celebrated man in the formation of a new cabinet. 
Soult's personal character and former achievements gave him a 
prestige in the eyes of the people which could hardly have been 
obtained by any other chief; as he had acquired experience both 
under the rulers of the republic and the empire, and possessed the 
necessary energy and sagacity to become a great leader. 

M. Thiers, who also accepted office, gave to the new cabinet 
the advantage of eloquence of debate, financial knowledge, and 
an ingenious mind. The Minister of Marine, an old admiral of 
the imperial wars, likewise added considerable weight to his 
department. Guizot himself was well selected for the post of 
Minister of Public Instruction; whilst the Due de Broglie was 
an able debater and thoroughly acquainted with Foreign Affairs. 
The other posts in the government were efficiently filled up by men 
of respectable talents, whose plans of operations were maturely formed. 

M. Guizot was at once chosen to draw up the king's speech for the 
opening of the session, " a pleasing task," as he himself observes, 
" to a man of sound literary abilities." The chief topic on which 
it touched was the happy termination of the war in Belgium, 
and the taking of Antwerp. Had a longer continuation of hostili- 
ties been required. Marshal Soult and his colleague. Admiral de 
Rigny, had so exerted themselves to place the defences of the ^tate 
on the most efficient footing, that France might have defied the most 
powerful of enemies. Mons. de Broglie had also used his best 
endeavours to strengthen the alliance with England, the only state 
which was formidable to France. 

After having touched on the character of the ministry, and 
the effects of the parliamentary constitution, when first adopted, 
Mons. Guizot,^ turns with considerable gusto to his own particular 
department. Although his account of ^'Instruction" is not free 
from the egotism and vanity which are to be met with throughout 

t Memoires pour servir a I'Histoire de mon Temps, par Monsieur Guizot, 
Vol. III. Paris, 1860. 



POLITICS IN TRANCE, PROM 1832 TO 1836. 63 

his works, it yet gives a clear, well-arranged, and succinct narrative 
of the Educational Instruction of the country from 1789. He 
has likewise drawn a useful comparison between Public Instruction 
in Holland, the United States, and the other countries of Europe ; 
remarking that, when in England, he had discussed with many of 
his friends the desirabiHty and advantage of placing schools and 
universities more immediately under government." This proposition, 
however, met with the reply, " that as most of the institutions 
in England were corporate bodies, which had in many instances been 
founded by private individuals, their laws were of ancient date, 
and that a greater interference on the part of government would 
prove rather a hindrance than an assistance to the highest grades 
of academical education." Matters have been far otherwise in 
Erance; for, had the management of education escaped the centralizing 
hands of the government, there would have been no means of en- 
forcing it. All the old corporate bodies and monastic institutions which 
formerly educated the young have been overthrown, and the rulers 
who followed the Revolution were thus obHged to enact a new order 
of things in public instruction. Three men, M. de Talleyrand, M. 
Condorcet, and M. Daunou, conspicuous for their talents and 
learning, had early been called upon by the National Constituent 
Assemblies and the National Convention to draw up reports on the 
state of education in France, and to give their suggestionsand recom- 
mendations as to the best mode of making instruction efficient. 

M. .De Talleyrand's report, as might have been expected, was 
copious and clear ; but he did not recommend any moral or religious 
teaching. He seemed to look upon mind as the great thing to be 
cultured, while such an influence as an Almighty Euler over men's 
destinies he hardly believed to exist. 

M. Condorcet's report was equally able, but seemed to be filled 
with the one leading idea, that all men were equal, and that the only 
distinctions that could be made in worldly position were created 
by education. M. Daunou's views were simply republican. 

Notwithstanding these reports, nothing was done in the way 
of " Pubhc Instruction " until the period of the empire ; and then, 
although Napoleon established a tolerably good system of education, 
it was so restricted by his absolute ideas, that it could not be suffi- 
ciently developed to meet the wants of all classes. Discipline was, 
however, introduced; and education was thus saved on the one 
hand from falling into the licence which prevailed during the 
Revolution, and on the other from being overpowered by the 
influence of the Uoman Catholic Clergy, a set of narrow-minded 
and bigoted men. Of course, at the restoration of Louis XVIII, 
the priestly power regained its full strength; whilst that able 



54 POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1832 TO 1836. 

and formidable body, the Jesuits, gained ground and assumed the 
direction of the whole instruction of the country. Louis XVIIl's 
government, however, turned much of its attention to this subject, 
and several universities were erected in different parts of the • 
kingdom. The portfolio of Public Instruction was at that time 
bestowed upon Mons. Royer Collard, a man who was every way fitted 
for the post, by his brilliant talents, his eloquence in the chamber, and 
his loyalty to moderate monarchy. His reforms gained so much ground 
that he even succeeded in persuading that bigoted, well-intentioned, but 
ill-advised sovereign, Charles X, to grant a most hberal decree on the 
subject of Public Instruction. The revolution of July threatened to 
bring about still more vital changes. All previous institutions and 
rules were threatened with annihilation, and matters were fast drifting 
into that state of license into which they were planged in 1789 and 
1790. M. Casimer Perier's vigorous hand arrested the coming 
ruin, and M. De Moutalivet endeavoured to establish Public In- 
struction on a sure and sound foundation. 

Tilings were in this state when Mons. Guizot accepted the port- 
folio of Public Instruction, on the 11th of October, 1832. Although 
he was prevented from immediate action by an illness which for some 
time confined him to his bed, and was unable to attend in the 
chamber when the king's speech was finally adopted, yet he laboured 
on in his retirement. 

The chambers at once set to work, and passed without delay a 
severe act for the punishment of political criminals. Many different 
partizans thought that the royal family and their followers were suffi- 
ciently punished by exile, and in this spirit urged that capital 
punishment should be for ever abolished for political offences ; whilst 
others still adhered to the contrary opinion. A bill, which considerably 
increased the severity of the political criminal code, passed through 
both chambers, and received the royal assent, although it was never 
fully carried into force, as the king seems to have been adverse to strong 
measures against his royal opponents, fearing to make them martyrs. 

During his illness, Mons. Guizot was carefully nursed by his 
devoted wife, who seems to have been a most excellent and useful 
partner during all his ministerial cares, from her tact and know- 
ledge of the world. He was, however, soon to be deprived of 
her tender care and affection, as she died in giving birth to a son. 
Her loss occasioned Guizot the greatest grief, and he continued 
to mourn for her long after the event. Tried by adversity, he 
again returned to his labours in behalf of Public Education ; his 
thoughts, during the whole period of his illness and his affliction, 
having been principally turned to this subject. Now that his 
wife was no more, he seemed to derive consolation by occupying 



POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1833 TO 1836. 55 

himself with the business of his office and the benefit of his fellow- 
citizens. He was not sufficiently recovered even to move his own 
bill on Public Instruction, but left this duty to be performed by one 
of his pjirty. He, nevertheless, conducted the debate upon it with 
his usual ability and clearness, and had the satisfaction of seeing 
it pass, with but slight alteration. 

Havhig now obtained the consent of the legislature and the 
crown, Guizot set about inaugurating the necessary reforms in the 
public instruction of the country, and called to his aid a council, 
composed of Messrs. Yillemain, R. Cousin, M. Poisson, M. Thenard, 
M, de Mussy, M. Rendu, M. Cuvier, and many others con- 
spicuous for their literary and scientific abilities. The two 
questions which early presented themselves for decision in '' Ele- 
mentary Education " were. Whether it should be compulsory ? 
and Whether it should be freely given to all French subjects by 
the government? In the solution of the former of these, Guizot 
difi'ered with his colleagues, contending that compulsory education 
was only applicable to such countries as Germany, Switzerland, and 
Holland, where the reformation of the 16th and 17th centuries had 
placed the church under the rule of the state, and where such edu- 
cation had been constantly adopted from that period. In England 
and in the United States, he argued, that it had never been so 
applied, and that it would be impolitic to adopt " compulsion" in a 
Catholic country like Erance. In the decision of the other question, 
his path had already been decided for him by *' the charter" which 
had promised free education to all French citizens. He arrived, 
however, after long discussion, at the conclusion, that the state was 
only bound to assist those who had no pecuniary means of paying 
for the education of their children. Guizot here enters into a long 
avowal of his love for the people, and the different definitions which 
have been given to that expression by different writers and politicians. 
" If by the love of the people," he says, " is meant an unfettered 
indulgence of all their passions and desires, then I do not possess it ; 
but if it is that feeling which binds a man to endeavour to guide 
his neighbours aright by good morals and education, and make them 
contented with their position in society, then I not only possess, but 
perfectly appreciate what the love of the people is like." With 
these views, Guizot seems to have striven to give to the youth of 
France a simple, but good elementary instruction. He divided 
elementary education into two branches, the more simple for the 
labouring man, and the more complicated for the higher class. He 
established good preparatory schools for the training of masters who 
were to aid in giving elementary instruction ; and proved that public 
opinion was somewhat in his favour, by saying that when he 



56 POLITICS IN FRANCE, FIt,OM 183£ TO 1836. 

received the portfolio of public instruction, in 1832, tliere existed 
but 33,000 schools of an elementary kind in Prance, giving instruc- 
tion to about 1,200,000 pupils; whilst in 184)7, fifteen years 
afterwards, the elementary schools had increased to 43,000, and the 
pupils to 2,300,000. After the revolution of 1848, he gives us 
rather a surprising piece of information on this subject, telling us 
that elementary education was not only overlooked at that period, 
but even discouraged, that it had sensibly diminished until very 
recently, and that intelligent persons in France were only then 
beginning to turn their attention to this important matter. 

From his elementary education scheme, in which we think 
Mons. Guizot acted very prudently, he turned to tliat of a more 
superior kind. Here he met with much opposition from the 
ultra Catholic party in France, which, barely tolerated in the days 
of the Empire, had now become most powerful, numbering amongst 
its ranks many of the eminent jurists, politicians, writers and 
scholars of the day. Mons. Guizot found that private individuals 
were erecting schools, independent both of the minister and of 
the university ; and that the greatest efforts of tlie kind were set 
on foot by Montalambert and an influential Abbe, both of whom 
had already been prosecuted in the Chambers for their free scholastic 
opinions. After a long struggle with the clergy, the matter was 
referred to the Court of Eome, which agreed to overrule the 
ecclesiastical party and to support the French government. 

Our author praises the discipline which had been introduced into 
the universities and schools by the Emperor Napoleon I, and makes 
many sensible observations as to the necessity of universities being 
assisted by learned and scientific societies throughout the country, 
remarking, " that it, is useless to found isolated universities in dif- 
ferent parts of the country, as proposed in the days of Louis XVIIl." 

In the highest walks of "superior education" in the universities, 
he found little opposition in erecting professorships of history, 
law, philosophy, and other sciences. He gives us some interesting 
particulars as to the character of M. Bufiioiif, Jouffroy, Ampere, Rossi, 
and Cuvier, all of whom he considers the ablest men of the period. 
Connected with these professorships, Guizot also talks of the different 
literary associations which were established throughout the country, 
eulogizing M. Jacquemont, ChampoUion the younger, and the other 
energetic and talented supporters of the movement. These various 
societies were obliged to furnish reports from time to time, and thus 
a good idea was gained of the intellectual progress of the nation. 
Guizot goes out of his way to praise the universities of Oxford and 
Cambridge for having combined ancient usages with modern ideas 
and morality, perfect discipline with close study and domestic eco- 



POLITICS IN PRANCE, FEOM 183^ TO 1836. 57 

nomy. He laments that their systems cannot be applied to the Freucli 
universities : " Why sliould we not place by the side of our great 
colleges of superior education," says Guizot, "establishments in 
which our youth may recognise some traces of the domestic hearth, 
and live in a certain communion, with enough of personal inde- 
pendence and liberty, but subject also to prescribed discipline, 
watched and restrained in their conduct, whilst assisted and en- 
couraged in their studies, as at Oxford and Cambridge." 

His next endeavours were directed to the formation of the class 
of moral and political science in The Institute. Such an association 
had been founded in 1795 ; though most of the members had died 
off before this period. There still, however, remained a small remnant 
of 30 associates, all of whose opinions were revolutionary. On this ac- 
count, M. Royer CoUard and many of M. Guizot^s old friends strongly 
opposed the reformation of such an Institution, fearing that they could 
not well overlook the claims of old republican members. Guizot, 
however, was firm in his determination, and summoned to his aid one 
of the old but more moderate members of the Institute, with whose 
assistance thirty members who remained of the original body of 1795 
were called together, and fifteen new members were elected, with 
the consent of tlie Minister of Public Instruction, others being 
added under the class " Philosophy of History." Amongst the old 
members there seems to have been a veteran of the name of M. 
Lakanal, who had belonged to the association in 1795, but who 
was supposed to be dead. He, however, heard of the resuscitation of 
the association under its new regulations, and even wrote from Ala- 
bama, in America, laying his claim of membership before the govern- 
ment. He had been for some time denied his rights, in conse- 
quence of his strong revolutionary notions ; but, returning to Prance, 
pleaded his own cause, and having at length succeeded, died at an 
advanced age, in 1845. M. Talleyrand was included amongst the new 
associates ; and thus Guizot judiciously contrived to bring together 
the men of experience of all parties, and to organise a society which 
has become vastly beneficial to science during its subsequent existence 
of twenty-seven years. Branches in correspondence with it have 
been established all over the kingdom, though they are not so easy 
to administer as the parent institution. 

The cost of buildings for the accommodation of literary and scien- 
tific societies seems to have given rise to much discussion in the 
chambers, and it was decided that no officer should be allowed to live 
within the precincts of such apartments^ This step Guizot considers 
to be injurious to the cause of science ; as it deprives men of learning 
of the means of easy reference to those works on which their attention 
should be concentrated, and of course lessens the local interest 

I 



5S POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 183:2 TO 1836. 

they should feel in the various museums and libraries. As to his- 
torical studies, Guizot justly remarks, " that they bring back the 
past and add to our existence the lives of our fathers ; our perceptions 
rise and extend, and we acquire a better knowledge and comprehen- 
sion of ourselves/' Such a study is most important in the 
present age, when politics occupy so prominent a place, and history 
forms so useful a guide. In France, nothing had been done for 
historical studies until the end of the Empire, and then history 
as a science was only taught for a short period during the summer 
months. In 1821, it was feared that historical lectures might lead 
to political discussions, a result not at all desirable at so turbulent a 
period ; and thus they were not resumed until after the accession of 
Charles X. On Mons. Guizot taking the portfolio of Public Instruc- 
tion, "Historical Studies'' received an earnest and steady support, 
whilst a small association was formed of the "lovers of history," who 
elected a council of management, and ransacked the provincial towns 
as well as the capital for old MSS. Guizot experienced much 
difficulty in obtaining the necessary funds, and it was not until 
after a very violent debate in tlie chambers, in which Mons. Thiers 
supported his literary fund, that 190,000 francs was voted as a 
subsidy for the furtherance of historical research. Mons. Guizot does 
not stop here, but gives the report of his successor in 1836, from which 
it appears that many interesting ^documents on various periods of 
French history have since been collected, concerning the times of 
Louis YII and Charles YIII, together with many provincial docu- 
ments on the history of Loraine, of the League, and of Louis XIV. 
These collections, which are still being continued, furnished ample 
materials for the study of history."^ M. Guizot thus terminates his 
account of the rise and progress of education, from the time when it 
was overthrown by the Eevolution, to the efforts which he made to 
advance and encourage it. On the whole, he may be justly 
proud of the course he adopted during his administration, and his 
narrative will furnish a good idea of what he actually accomplished. 
M. Guizot, lastly, turned to the consideration of the internal ad- 
ministration of the country. It was to be expected that a constitu- 
tional monarchy which had been established immediately after that 
revolution which had threatened the state with annihilation, should 
have to encourage liberty, and yet confine it within proper limits. 
Our author, in order to give a correct idea of the progress which 
liberty had made during the period which elapsed from 1832 to 1836, 
gives us a report of those laws which were passed by the Chambers, 
resisting popular clamour, and those which supported rational liberty. 

* Societe de I'HiBtoire de France. 



POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1832 TO i&36. 5U 

As might have been anticipated, he glides into a long dissertation 
as to the necessity of "parties " in a constitutional and deliberative 
government. It is of course clear, from the very nature of a legis- 
lative constitution, that two parties must exist — the ministerial and 
the opposition, and it is clearly an advantage that this should always 
be the case. Thus one party can hold the other in check by the 
fear of overthrow ; measures are fully discussed before they become 
laM', full time is given for calm consideration, and suggestions are 
thrown out by the speeches of opponents. It appears, however, 
that no such principles existed in Prance as led to the formation 
of the Whig and Tory parties in England. It was difficult to 
form a strong political party in Prance, as different statesmen 
of the same school was disinclined to follow their leaders in all the 
views they might adopt. No party could be kept together, it being 
contrary to the lively and volatile nature of a Frenchman's cha- 
racter to support for any length of time a regularly defined policy. 
Every Frenchman is apt to declare his suggestions, whether right or 
wrong, and he usually ends in forming a plan of his own, to which, 
however impracticable, he adheres with impunity. Besides these 
difficulties, the cabinet had another obstacle to overcome, in the 
formation of a good upper chamber, which might on the one 
hand, successfully resist the encroachments of tlie crown, and, 
on the other, contend against the clamorous populace. They had 
no materials with which to replace the old French Noblesse, 
and they could not easily erect out of what little remained of that 
body an hereditary aristocracy. Mons. Guizot and many of his 
friends had desired, even when in opposition, to establish an upper 
chamber, and had even supported the minister of the day in the 
consideration of such a measure. The noblesse, however, were not 
even in so respectable a position as they had been at the restoration ; 
and the Chamber of Peers, since the Ptevolution of 1830, could 
count amongst its members few names either of ancient descent 
or of brilliant reputation. In order to remedy these deficiences. 
Marshal Soult and his colleagues adopted a measure wliichi would 
have been dangerous to the order at any other period. They created 
sixty new peers, amongst whom were military officers of distinction, 
eminent writers and journalists, celebrated statesmen, and great 
lawyers. The ministry had now nothing to fear from the upper 
chamber, though they had much to contend with in the deputies. 
In that assembly there were three distinct parties, though they had 
not as yet openly declared their principles. Between the minis- 
terialists and the regular opposition there appeared a few determined 
spirits, who had all but formed themselves into a party professing 
ultra-republican views. They seem curiously enough to have chosen 



60 POLITICS IN FRANCE, PROM 1832 TO 1836. 

as their leader Mons. Dupont, who, though he sided neither with 
the ministry nor their opponents, was, nevertheless, a supporter of 
the Constitutional Monarchy of Louis Philippe. Although not 
actually allied with the regular opposition, this section very frequently 
hampered the ministry. The first Cabinet measure which it opposed 
was the budget for the payment of pensions to mihtary and naval 
officers. This occasioned a very long and hot debate, in which Guizot 
and his colleagues were strongly opposed by Mons. Dubois, the 
Chief of the University, and by M. Baude. The Cabinet, nevertheless, 
successfully carried its measure, and resolved, much against Guizot's 
inclination, to dismiss the two traitors from government employ. 
Guizot knew the difficulty of replacing them, and showed no incon- 
siderable tact in announcing to them the resolution of the Cabinet, 

Many measures of great importance were thus passed during the 
session of 1832 and 1833; amongst which, those on Education, on 
Public Works, and for the better administration of the Army and 
Navy, were most conspicuous. The country, in 1834, seems to have 
been in a most prosperous condition, having no external wars to 
damp its prosperity. The people were apparently contented with 
the vigorous and able government which had been established by 
Marshal Soult, and the ministry were so strong that many of its 
friends advised it to augment its power by a dissolution of the 
Chambers. The Cabinet perceived that this suggestion was merely 
a snare put forward by some of its most bitter opponents, and scouted 
the idea that a larger and more subservient majority could be gained 
by a new election. They, secretly, feared to risk the excitement of a 
fresh election, in consequence of the hostility of the press, and the 
machinations of the republican party out of doors. 

Mons. Guizot reverts in bitter terms to the attack made by the 
press upon its own government, and of his fruitless attempts to ob- 
tain really able writers to oppose the vituperation hurled against 
him by the best periodicals and journals of the day. The " D6bats'' 
was the only paper which supported his policy, though it was too 
weak and isolated to afford him any real assistance. If the attacks 
of moderate journalists were to be dreaded, those of the republicans 
were still more formidable. They had organized a secret society 
at Paris, under the appellation of the Society of the Rights of 
Man, which corresponded with clubs and associations of a similar 
nature in every town of Prance. Of course, its principles, as 
its name implies, tended to the overthrow of all monarchical govern- 
ment, in whatsoever hands it might be placed, added to which, 
it desired to re-establish the government of 1792. Many of 
its chief men were related to those who had formed the National 
Convention, and they availed themselves of the means afforded 
by the liberty of the press to propagate their fatal doctrines. 



POLITICS IN EKANCE, FROM 1833 TO 1836. 61 

Thus the people were so inflamed by these journals and by the pub- 
lication of the papers of Eobespierre, that an outbreak was every day 
anticipated. The Cabinet had no means of stopping these danger- 
ous publications but by prosecuting the publishers, a course which 
made matters worse. At length, in 1833, the evil had reached 
to such a pitch that a secret plot was discovered, and serious 
disturbances in Paris were suppressed with difficulty and bloodshed, 
only to be renewed at Lyons in the following spring. M. Mazzini 
and several Italian refugees had taken up their residence at Lyons, 
after the failure of their attempts in Italy ; and here the labourers had 
become so generally republican that many of them refused to work 
during the winter months. Thus idleness brought on the usual 
consequences of famine and discontent. The more industrious at 
length desired to return to their labour ; but were violently restrained 
by their fellow workmen. Luckily for the Lyonese, the Prefect during 
this period was a man of much prudence and firmness of character; 
he arrested several of the leaders of this republican movement, and 
called together a court to try them for their offences on the 9 th April, 
1834'. This court had no sooner commenced its proceedings than the 
building in which it held its sittings was surrounded by a vast and 
furious mob. A small force which the Prefect had at command 
was immediately called out, and was received by the populace with 
the cry of ^as de Baionettes. The force was too insignificant 
to effect much ; and after a time, most of the soldiers fraternised 
with the people, and the court was obliged to adjourn its sittings. 
Of course the republicans were much elated at this supposed victory, 
and^resolved further to secure their success by a more organised 
riot on the re-assembling of the court. When that event occurred, the 
Court-House was surrounded by an armed mob, better led and more 
terrible than the previous. A larger military force was collected from 
the neighbouring towns, and a conflict of five days' duration ensued. 
In the mean time similar riots occurred at Marseilles, and in most of 
the southern towns of Erance, which eventually extended to Paris 
itself, where barracades were raised in the narrow streets, and several 
points were hotly contested both by the military and the populace. 
Affairs at length became so critical all over Prance, that it was resolved 
to send a large part of the army, under the Duke of Orleans, to the 
south, whilst the rest remained at Paris, under the King's orders. 
This unhappy juncture of affairs was the means of re-uniting the 
members of the Cabinet, who thus turned their undivided attention 
to quelling the riots. Several of the members of the Society of the 
Eights of Man were arrested, and a very sharp bill was drawn up 
against all secret societies, which passed the Chamber of Deputies, 
after a violent debate. 

The financial measures of the government, on their army and navy 



63 POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1833 TO 1836. 

estimates, were now about to be vigorously attacked — the opposition 
considering the outlay as unnecessary in time of peace. Added to 
these complications, the deputies were dismissed, and a new election 
was declared. The new Chamber, though generally favourable to the 
Cabinet, early showed symptoms of opposition amongst the third party. 
The ministry was, also, weakened by the loss of Mons. de Broglie, 
who did not agree with his colleagues as to the American payments. 

The ministry had no sooner regained its usual firmness, than a 
circumstance occurred which threatened its complete annihilation. 
Algeria had deeply occupied the attention of the Chambers, and a 
commission under the Duke Decazes had been sent over to Africa 
to enquire into the administration of the province. They drew 
up a most voluminous report, and recommended a civil, instead of a 
military government for the colony. M. Guizot, M. Thiers, and nearly 
all the government, with the exception of Marshal Soult, supported 
the measure. Much unpleasant discussion took place in the Cabinet, 
and Marshal Soult resigned. The King was at first indisposed to part 
with so useful a public servant ; but at Guizot's recommendation 
the vacant post was ofi'ered to Marshal Gerard, and accepted with 
reluctance. The whole Cabinet, however, lived to rue the day of 
their quarrel, and Guizot is honest enough to avow the fact. 

Marshal Gerard, the new President of the Council, did not long 
retain ofl&ce, as his task of reconciliation was herculean. 

During these complications in Trench politics, great changes 
had occurred in England. Lord Grey and his friends had been 
thrown out, and were succeeded by the Tories. Mons. Talleyrand, 
who had always been on friendly terms with the Whig ministry, de- 
termined to retire from his post in London, " being no longer able 
to make himself useful in preserving the alliance between the two 
countries." The Duke of Wellington, who was Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs, wrote a very pressing letter in order to persuade 
Talleyrand to remain ; his determination, however, was not in the 
least changed, and he returned to France, where he retired into private 
life. He was replaced by General Sebastiani, whom M. Guizot 
considers to be an abler diplomatist. 

Mons. De La Fayette, about this time also, disappeared from the 
political stage. His romantic death resembled the varied and 
striking incidents of his strange life. " 111 for three weeks, he ap- 
proached his last hour. His son George observed that with uncer- 
tain gestures he sought for something in his bosom. He came to 
his father's assistance, and placed in his hand a medallion which he 
always wore suspended round his neck. M. De La Fayette raised 
it to his lips. This was his last motion. The medallion contained 
a miniature and a lock of hair of Madame De La Fayette, his wife, 
whose loss he had mourned for twenty-seven years." Notwith- 



POLITICS IN FEANCE, PROM 1832 TO 1836. 63 

standing his republican opinions, he was respected by men of all 
parties, and his funeral was attended by a vast concourse of personsj 
The government was for some time without a responsible head, 
until Marshal Mortier attempted to reconcile conflicting parties. He, 
however, utterly failed ; and the King was in despair, as to " how the 
government was to be carried on." " I shall again try Soult," ex- 
claimed the King. " If I fail, then I must submit to your yoke.'' 
" Ah, Sire V was M. Guizot's reply, " will your Majesty allow me to 
protest against that word/' ■^" ^ ^ "I left the King," con- 
tinues Guizot, " convinced in my heart that he saw already in the 
Due de Broglie his necessary resource." 

Messrs. Thiers and Guizot were often at variance on many import- 
ant topics, and it now became evident that they could no longer be 
associated in the same government. At length, however, the Due de 
Broglie assumed the post of President and Minister of Poreign 
Aff'airs ; and the Cabinet was reconstructed Math modified opinions. 
Thus Marshal Maison replaced Mortier in the war department. 
Admiral Rigny had a seat without a portfolio. Duchatel, 
Duperre, Humann, Thiers, and Guizot, retaining the posts they had 
previously occupied. The policy of the members now became 
vigorous and efl'ective ; they settled the indemnity to be paid to the 
United States ; they successfully confirmed the sentences against the 
rioters of Lyons and Paris ; and disposed of several other most im- 
portant bills. 

In spite of this apparent lull, the ministers were inwardly disquieted 
by the many rumours which reached them of the contemplated attempts 
on the life of the King. These rumours were at first discredited, but 
their truth was made most painfully apparent by the diabolical and 
unsuccessful attempt of Pieschi, whose infernal machine nearly killed 
the King. The terrible consequence of this murderous attack not 
only cast the nation into mourning, but wonderfully strengthened 
the King's government. The ministry had now nothing to fear ; all 
their most important measures had passed the Chambers. They had 
successfully put down the rioters of Lyons and Paris, and they had 
nothing to apprehend from insurrection, after the unsuccessful 
attempts on the King's life. There appeared to be no vital question 
on which their opponents could force them from office, whilst perfect 
tranquillity prevailed abroad. 

During this political amnesty in Prance, and the general tran- 
quillity of the European continent. Marshal Clauzel, the Governor- 
General of Algeria, undertook a vast expedition against Mascara, in 
the province of Oran. The Duke of Orleans, the King's eldest 
son, was desirous of serving against the real enemies of the state in 
Africa, though the ministers were very unwilling that the heir to 
the crown should unnecessarily expose his life. The King fully shared 
in his son's noble desires ; in which views he was seconded by Mons. 



64) POLITICS IN FRANCE, PROM 1833 TO 1836. 

Guizot. That minister at length overcame the scruples of his 
colleagues, and the Duke of Orleans embarked for Algeria, where he 
took a conspicuous part in the expedition to Oran. Here he distin- 
guished himself by his courage, his judgment, and his military 
talents, and returned home crowned with success. 

The next meeting of the Chambers took place on the 29th of 
December, 1835, and the ministers counted on but little opposition. 
The address on the King's speech was almost unanimously voted ; 
but when the budget was discussed, on the 14th of January, 1836, 
Mons. Humami proposed a financial measure which met with much 
opposition, both by the government and their opponents, and which 
placed the ministry in a very awkward position. It ultimately 
led to their resignation, which the King most reluctantly accepted. 
The Due de Broglie's influence had long been undermined by the 
efforts of Talleyrand, and by a large party at court, wlio had never 
forgotten the opposition, which the Duke had made both to the 
monarch and his representative in England, on the Anglo-French 
alliance, and they were glad to obtain the dismissal of the obnox- 
ious minister at any price. The Due de Broglie and his colleagues 
were not easily replaced, and the King sent for Marshal Gerard, 
Mons. Mole, Mons. Passy, Mons. Dupin, and Mons. Tliiers ; all 
of whom in turn endeavoured to form a Cabinet. 

Mons. Thiers at length, on the 22nd of July, 1836, undertook, 
with the assistance of M. de Montalivet, the duties of the new 
Cabinet. Thiers took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs; 
Montalivet, that of Minister of the Interior ; and Pelet de Loz^re 
succeeded Guizot as Minister of Public Instruction. Thiers and 
Guizot, although they became staunch private friends, now en- 
tertained directly opposite political opinions, though their main object 
was tlie preservation of Constitutional Monarchy. 

Guizot concludes this vol. with the following impressive words : 
" The unity and common action of men were the imperious condition 
of Government success in 1832. This dominant idea, this great 
light of 1832, disappeared in 1836, and was extinguished by a most 
trifling agency, before a very secondary question, and through motives 
extremely trivial or personal. The conversion, more or less imme- 
diate, of the funds was assuredly far below the value of the union 
of persons who from 1830 had united together to establish the 
government. This was the fault of the epoch. The Eevolution of 
1830 had already narrowly restricted the circle and broken the ranks 
of the effective admirers of royalty under the constitutional system. 
The ministerial crisis of 1836 severed the coalition, which, through 
the influence of a lofty and provident idea, the crisis of 1830 had 
bound together." 

In bidding adieu to the third vol. of the Memoirs of Mons. 



POLITICS IN FRANCE, FROM 1832 TO 1836. 65 

Guizot, we hav^e the satisfaction of feeling that it is equal, if not 
superior, to the two preceding ones, in style and arrangement. It 
gives much information upon a most engrossing topic ; viz. general 
education and intellectual progress. It also proves that the re- 
volutionary tendency in France existed throughout the reign of 
Louis Philippe, and prevented the Prench from enjoying the 
advantages bestowed upon them by a Constitutional Monarchy. 
The effect of such a tendency has at length, in our day, reduced them 
to a despotism, as their only safety from anarchy and revolution. 



66 



GUIZOT'S rOUETH VOLUME * 



In former numbers of this journal we have noticed M. Guizot's 
excellent account of the events of the revolution of July — 
of the difficulties which the Trench Ministry had to encounter con- 
sequent on those changes — the differences which occurred amongst 
the members of the Cabinet from 1882 to 1836 — his remarks 
on wliat he effected in the various branches of administra- 
tion, and more particularly in that of education over which he 
presided. It was difficult for hira to sketch a correct and im- 
partial picture of the characters of his colleagues, and of the 
measures which he mainly advised and carried out ; and far more 
embarrassing to trace the political conduct of the sovereigns and 
ministers of surrounding states, and describe their connexion M'ith 
the French Government and its newly-establislied monarchy. 
Mons. Guizot has, however, overcome all these obstacles; has 
obtained and clearly detailed Diuch novel information, both as 
to the affairs of his own country, and its diplomatic relations, 
and has conquered those national prejudices which so abundantly 
prevail in the narratives of other French historians. In this 
i'ourth volume we liave a graphic sketch of the political connexion 
between France and the surrounding states from 1833 to 1886, and 
the causes which led to the crisis of the Eastern Question in 1840 j 
together with the opinions and prejudices of the different statesmen and 
sovereigns of the day. Our author never loses sight of the fact, that 
all Europe was opposed to French politics, because of their revolu- 
tionary basis and their possible tendency to produce anarcliy and con- 
fusion. In our opinion, he judges that policy by his own predilec- 



* Meuioires pour servir a I'Histoire de mon Temps, par M. Guizot. Tome IV. 
Palis: MithelLevjf freres, Rue Vivienne, 2'''s — 1861. 



guizot's fourth volume. (57 

tions, and talks a great deal too loudly of the inodcratioii and 
peaceable disposition of the Erench nation and its sovereign. Louis 
Philippe was a pacific prince by circumstances rather than inchnation, 
for he was well aware of the uncertain tenure by which he held his 
dominions, and the difficulty he would experience in retaining them, 
from the uncertainty and expense of war. Mons. Guizot, howevej", 
would have us believe that his Sovereign was by inclination the 
most peaceable aud the most moderate of kings. Thus he launches 
out into a thoroughly French dissertation on the evils of war, and 
tries to force our convictions to the point " that the only aim of 
Frenchmen in all their wars has been to enlighten surrounding 
states by the introduction of civilization." Whatever the truth 
of his argument may be, some of his observations are neverthe- 
less very just, and are supported by excellent historical examples. 
Of course, as we may expect from a man who had commenced 
his career as a French professor of history, he goes far back 
for his instances of the evils of war, and the want of durability in 
those empires which have been rapidly raised by conquest. He tells 
us that, notwithstanding the surprising extent which Alexander the 
Great gave to the kingdom of Macedon by conquest, his empire 
was nevertheless divided and weakened by the ambition of his 
generals, as soon as he was removed by death. He then shows 
that, in like manner, the empire of Charlemagne, when the vigorous 
hand which had so long gnided it had relaxed its hold, was 
weakened by the feebleness of his Carlovingian successors, and 
by the subsequent disturbed condition of the world. In mere 
modern times, he quotes the examples of Charles Y, of Germany, 
Louis XIV, and Napoleon I, all of whom, he affirms, have been 
stopped in their attempts at universal conquest by the general 
opinion of Europe. He also maintains that the conquests of 
Bonaparte have had a greater hold on mankind than preceding 
campaigns, though they were in some degree swept away by the 
treaties of 1815, and by the powers which formed the holy alliance, 
the chief object of which was doubtless to oppose all revolu- 
tion, in whatever form it might appear. It is therefore little to be 
wondered at that the many sovereigns who helped to make up so 
irresistible a force should be adverse to the accession of Louis 
Philippe. After showing what temptations for national aggrandise- 
ment were placed in the way of the French Government in Belgium, 
and the similarity of policy which was followed out by England, as 
well as France, in that question, M. Guizot proceeds to the consi- 
deration of the characters of the Prussian, Austrian, and Eussian 
Sovereigns, and to the policy adopted towards France by their chief 
counsellors. We are told that Frederick William III of Prussia, 



68 GUIZOT*S FOURTH VOLUME. 

tliough a Prince of no striking qualities, was nevertheless a sensible 
sovereign ; who, after having regained his dominions from Napoleon 
by hard-fought campaigns, was desirous of preserving Prussia within 
the limits prescribed to it by the treaty of Vienna. As a conserva- 
tive Sovereign, he at first looked with some degree of apprehension 
upon the succession of Louis Philippe to the Prench throne, and 
received with some degree of hesitation the friendly advances made 
to him by the new King of Prance. As soon, however, as he 
perceived that Louis Philippe's policy was likely to be a peaceable 
one, he not only readily acknowledged it, but entered into very 
intimate lelations with his ministers. The Prince of Wittgenstein, 
the Prince of Hardenberg, and M. Ancillon, induced him to adopt 
this conduct, having great influence over their master's mind, 
being men of great administrative and diplomatic abilides, and 
possessing sympathy with the French nation and its Sovereign. 
Of the Austrian Emperor and his chief counsellor, Mons. Guizot 
gives a less favourable account as regards their sympathies for France ; 
Francis II. according to Guizot, being one who had acquired consider- 
able experience during the wars with the Emperor Napoleon, and 
was little inclined to enter into hostility with France, unless 
actually forced by circumstances to do so. He neverthelesss looked 
with no favourable eye upon the change of dynasty, and strove as 
much as possible to maintain ahsohde authoriiy within his own 
dominions and those of his aUies, and disliked anything approaching 
to liberahsm. Prince Metternich, who chiefly directed his councils, 
is admitted by all writers to have possessed, beside the great di- 
plomatic abilities already displayed in the days of Napoleon, when 
the empire was threatened with ruin, a very philosophic mind, and a 
tendency to liberal opinions, which he durst not put into practice. 
He was as peaceably disposed as his master, and used his best 
endeavours to promote a good understanding, if not a close relation- 
ship, with France. He seems, however, chiefly to have feared the 
power of Eussia, and to have yielded too much to its influence. 
The Russian Emperor is described as '' a monarch by no means pos- 
sessed of those superior talents whicli would enable him to overawe 
either subjects or alh'es." He, nevertheless, exercised great in- 
fluence over both. His handsome person and presence of mind 
during the insurrection which occurred at the commencement of his 
reign, together with the old Russian policy which he followed, 
obtained for him great moral influence in his own states, 
whilst his vast territories and the immense power which their 
geographical position gave him, brought both respect and fear 
to his throne. He seems, from the first, to have positively 
refused to acknowledge Louis Philippe's right to a place amongst 



guizot's foueth volume. 69 

the old Sovereigns of Europe, and he even treated his minister 
with rudeness. This conduct may perhaps be in some measure 
ascribed to the troubles of Poland in 1831-2-3, which were 
doubtless occasioned by the • revolutionary movement of July, 
although the French did not actuallij assist the Poles in their 
attempts to shake off the Russian yoke. As the power of the Prench 
King became more firmly established, however, the Russian Czar 
seems to have thought it worth his while to assume a more friendly 
tone ; and we thus find that intrigues were entered into for the 
purpose of arranging a marriage between the young Duke of Orleans 
and a Russian Grand Duchess. These negotiations were, however, 
only carried on as a means of conciliating the Prench Government, 
and obtaining their consent to the ambitious designs of the 
Czar on the East. All the powers of Euro])e were viewing with 
anxiety the Eastern horizon, now that Mehemet Ali, after having 
successfully raised the standard of revolt in Egypt, had invaded 
Syria, overrun Asia Minor, and pitched his camp at Smyrna ; from 
whence he, like the Arabs of old, threatened to lay siege to Con- 
stantinople, and overthrow the Sultanas authority and empire. 
Mehemet Ali intimated to the Prench envoy that he would be well 
satisfied if he could obtain from the Sultan the concession of the 
Syrian territory which he had conquered, and of the authority which 
he had established in Egypt as an hereditary right to his family. 
Terms were actually agreed upon between Mahmoud Sultan and 
Ibrahim Pacha, in which these concessions were guaranteed to 
Mehemet Ali, and the Egyptian' General had commenced the 
evacuation of Asia Minor, when the Czar Nicholas, through his 
minister. Count OrlofF, took the side of Turkey and argued for 
more advantageous conditions, " provided the Turkish Sultan would 
place himself under the protection of Russia, and shut the ports of 
the Dardanelles against the ships of all other nations.^^ These stipu- 
lations were fully agreed to, and a Russian fleet was sent to Con- 
stantinople, in order to protect the Ottoman port from all encroach- 
ments of Mehemet Ali. The treaty was strongly remonstrated 
against by both the Enghsh and French Ministers; but the 
Sultan cared little what risks he ran, provided he could keep 
the Pacha at bay. The Czar, on his side, was furious against 
England and France ; whilst the Austrian Minister, Prince Metter- 
nich, who feared that the Czar's indignation might terminate in an 
European war, endeavoured to mediate between him and the western 
powers, and was successful, 

M. Guizot then turns to a much more important question — viz. 
the affairs of Spain. King Ferdinand VII was dead at Madrid, and 
Spain was in the midst of a revolution. He tells us that at the early 



70 guizot's fourth volume. 

periods of Spanish history, females were allowed to succeed to tlie 
Spanish throne ; but that when Philip V, the first Bourbon monarch, 
ascended it in 1713, it was considered necessary to make a Pragmatic, 
or modification of theSalique law, binding in Sparin,as well as inPrance, 
by which " no female could inherit the Spanish Crown, so long as male 
issue existed." The law remained in this condition until 1789, when 
Charles IV, fearing a lack of male heirs, revoked the edict, 
and the law returned to its original state. When Perdinand 
grew up, however, and came to the throne, it was considered doubt- 
ful whether his father had possessed the legal right to make this 
change, and the question became more complicated by the disturbed 
state of things from 1S08 to 1814. When Perdinand returned 
to Spain, and his authority was fully acknowledged, he at first 
resolved to follow the example of Louis XYllI, and confirm 
those liberal reforms which had been effected in the Spanish 
government during the war. He was sincere in these resolutions, 
until the revolution of 1820 and 1823 (which, as we have seen 
in an early volume of Guizot's Memoirs, was arbitrarily put a stop 
to by the interference of the Prench government), when he 
became as absolute a sovereign as any of his predecessors of the 
Bourbons or Austrian line. Towards the year 1832, Perdinand's 
health becoming considerably impaired, the succession to the 
crown was contested by his brother Don Carlos, and his daughter 
Isabella, who, though extremely young, was protected by her vigor- 
ous and licentious mother, Christina. Thus Spain was sadly divided 
into parties. The Carlists, besides asserting that Charles IV had no 
right to alter the law as established by Philip V, also supported the 
absolute power of the Crown, together with all the prerogatives 
claimed over the laity by the most bigoted Eoman Catholic clergy ; 
whilst the moderate liberals, who had, with the assistance of 
England, defended Spain against Napoleon, united themselves to the 
cause of Christina and her infant daughter. Up to the year 
1832, when Perdinand died, many intrigues were carried on by 
the respective candidates; and, strange as it may appear, the 
King of the Prench, although a liberal, nevertheless looked with 
greater real favour upon the male heir than on the young 
Queen, and used all his efforts with Charles X, while yet Duke 
of Orleans, to induce him to prevail upon Perdinand to support 
the male succession. Thus, when Louis Philippe came to the 
throne, and Perdinand died, the Prench Monarch was placed 
in a very awkward position with regard to the Spanish question. 
As an old Bourbon, his inchnations led him to support Don 
Carlos and the male succession ; but as a liberal Sovereign who had 
just established a new order of things in Prance, and as the 



guizot's fourth volume. 71 

representative of all monarchs who maintained popular opinions 
abroad, he felt great interest in the cause of Queen Christina 
and her daughter, and was obliged to give her some degree 
of countenance. Besides, he was fully aware that an armed support 
of either candidate would bring upon him the hostility of the northern 
courts, whilst it would hurt tiie sensitive pride of the Spanish 
people, and bring the question to an issue with much bloodshed and 
confusion 'in Spain itself. Mons. de Hayneval, the French Ambas- 
sador in Spain, was therefore instructed to support Don Carlos, 
should his party acquire any degree of strength. He might then 
offer a refuge to the Queen Regent and her daughter, though he 
was forbidden to make any promise of French assistance hy arms to 
either party. This was a most difficult task for any diplomatist to 
accomplish, and perhaps had it been entrusted to one less acquainted 
with the Spanish character than Mons. de Eayneval, it might have 
been impossible of execution. He was obliged to use the utmost 
caution and judgment, as the Spaniards were, and always had been, 
jealous of foreign interference. We have even heard it said, 
during our residence in Spain, " that all Spanish revolutions are to be 
traced to English or other foreign interference." 

The duplicity of the French embassy gave both parties the 
idea that its opponents were encouraged with some promise of 
assistance from France, whilst the offer of refuge made to Queen 
Christina and her partizans was misconstrued by the Spanish 
journals and politicians into an open and vigorous support of her 
claims. It was necessary, as M. Guizot shows, for the French 
Government further to repeat and explain its intentions, before 
the Spanish Government could comprehend that only a moral 
support could be expected from Prance. Besides the rising of 
Don Carlos in the Basque Provinces, the Queen Eegent had tq 
contend with the differences which divided the liberal party, 
Two factions held very opposite opinions; one was desirous of a 
constitutional monarchy with Queen Isabella at its head ; whilst the 
other was for supporting the ultra-liberal constitution of 1812, 
Both divisions lacked the experience on which to build their theories 
of government, and were thus obliged hurriedly to put forth novel 
but hurried schemes, as the state of confusion did not admit of 
much deliberation. Besides these obstacles, the Queen's party, 
who then formed the government of the country, had to pass new 
laws to determine the mode of electing members to the Cortes; 
and the finances being in a bad condition, it was impossible 
to raise sufficient money for carrying on the contest against the 
Carlists. Thus it was necessary to borrow largely from foreign States ; 
and, as Spanish credit was at a low ebb, it was absolutely necessary that 



72 guizot's fourth volume. 

Spain should pay lier old debts before she could contract new foreign 
ones. This was a difficulty which had never been effectually 
solved. 

Again, the laws of election were, after a very long delay, disposed 
of in a report, and statute, drawn up by Mons. Martinez de la Eosa, 
a man who seems to have possessed both courage and eloquence. 
This statute gave satisfaction to many of the ultra-royalists and 
the immediate supporters of the Queen, though it did not quiet 
the republicans, who desired nothing less than the constitution 
of 1812, which had appointed a number of Juntas, or city muni- 
cipalities, to govern the towns and provinces during the exile 
of the reigning princes. Although Ferdinand swore to maintain 
the constitution of 1812, he annulled it as soon as he could j 
and thus produced those disturbances in Spain, from 1820 to 
1823, during which Martinez de la Eosa first began that liberal 
policy which obliged him to seek refuge in Prance, where he made 
the acquaintance of Mons. Guizot. Our author was much struck 
with the literary talent of his new friend, and prognosticated for 
him a brilliant career in letters, although he never expected to 
behold him at the head of the Spanish government. It seems, 
however, that Martinez de la Eosa's early political life had 
taught him experience, and a degree of moderation which deterred him 
from supporting the opinions of the ultra liberals, and made him de- 
sirous of uniting moderate liberals and moderate royalists in a firm 
constitutional party, to resist aUke the efforts of republicans and the 
old absolute Spanish government. Mons. de Eayneval, however, seems 
to have considered Martinez de la Eosa to be a man rather of excellent 
parts and speculative opinions, than of practical action and deter- 
mination, whilst he assures us that he had great difficulty in 
managing the heterogeneous materials of which his party was 
composed. Some of the Spanish ministers, however, possessed the 
necessary firmness and practical ability in which he was deficient; 
and so enabled him to oppose all foreign interference, and to 
rest on the moral support of England and France. In Portugal, 
the party who entertained similar political views to Martinez de la 
Eosa was now in office. Don Miguel had, with the consent of the 
powers, been expelled from that country, and a like demand was now 
made in Spain against Don Carlos. His friends, however, progressed 
in the Basque provinces ; and many inteUigent men, both in Spain 
and France, considered that his efforts could not be put down without 
foreign intervention. Martinez de la Eosa being firmly opposed to 
foreign assistance, and the French ministry and King being equally ad- 
verse to an armed intervention, it was declared from Paris that the 
French could only look on as spectators; for, as Louis Philippe naively 



guizot's fourth volume. 73 

remarked : " If we embark in the same boat as the Spaniards, we 
must take the rudder, and be responsible for the ship's course, though 
no one can possibly foretell what that course will be." Mons. 
Guizot seems fully to have concurred in the non-intervention policy 
of his master, and to have been convinced that the Spaniards could 
save their country by their own exertions. We beg to differ from 
these opinions ; as the Spaniards, like all other nations who have 
endeavoured to establish a constitutional monarchy after long years 
of absolute sway, have been exposed to continual revolutions whilst 
attempting to acquire freedom ; and have, not unfrequently, overshot 
the bounds of moderation. But for foreign influence, anarchy 
instead of good government would now exist ; and they could not 
have enjoyed their liberties in the face of a prolonged contest between 
Carlists and Christinos, any more than the English, at the beginning 
of the last century, could have done so during the unhappy con- 
flicts between the Stuarts and the house of Hanover. Although 
our author is perfectly correct in saying that " the safety of the 
Spanish state is within the hands of the nation itself," we think he 
is rather hasty when he affirms that they have already acquired 
security in their institutions. 

Mons. Guizot terminates the first chapter of his new volume 
with some apparently philosophical remarks on the condition of 
the neighbouring states, and the moderation with which France 
has abstained from augmenting her territory ; and goes on to 
declare that, while sho internally endeavours to work out the 
difficult problem of freedom, without launching into the excesses 
of revolution, she attempts, by her peaceful diplomacy, to bring 
about beneficial changes in other states. These remarks display much 
of that vanity and self-satisfaction to be met with in the writings of 
the most sensible and talented men of Prance, and forms an intro- 
duction to the observations on the policy of his successor, Mons. 
Thiers, whom he praises in his personal capacity, though he blames 
his administration. Our author tells us that he retired ''with much 
satisfaction" into private hfe, and amply consoled himself for his 
loss of power by literary occupations and the honours which were 
crowded upon him. We find him, nevertheless, sometimes taking a 
part in public debates, but only in the defence of his colleagues, or 
the discussion of some subject which had reference to arts and letters. 
About this time he was appointed a member of the Academic Fran- 
^aise, and of the Academie de Science, to the latter of which he 
made a long address on the " Philosophy of the eighteenth century." 
His views were, however, considered to be rather severe by many of 
the Academicians, old disciples of the by-gone philosophy. He made 
many literary and scientific acquaintances, and passed his time of 



74 gtjizot's fourth volume. 

leisure more agreeably than a man of ambition and political 
eminence could be expected to do. He somewhat reminds us 
of our own celebrated statesman, Lord Bolingbroke, who always 
wrote and spoke of the pleasures he experienced at his country farm 
in Prance, surrounded by his friends and his books, quit of the 
troubles of that office which he in reality sorely regretted, and left no 
stone unturned to regain. In like manner Guizot deceived himself with 
the idea that he was amusing himself with his writings, his philoso- 
phical studies, his literary friends, and his country place. He was in re- 
ality constantly keeping an eye on the political movements of his 
opj)onents, ever ready to profit by their faults, and to acquire for him- 
self renewed power and celebrity ,• though he was, no doubt, gratified 
at the honour which was conferred upon him by the Swedish nation, 
in electing him a member of the Academy of History and Belles 
Lettres of Stockholm, and by the very complimentary letter of con- 
gratulation from Charles John Bernadotte, King of Sweden. 

All this took place at a small property which he had just bought 
in Normandy, and which had formerly been the abode of an order 
of monks founded by St, Bernard. The locality appears to have 
been full of historical tradition connected with this famous saint; 
and even the celebrated Thomas a'Becket of England had resided and 
performed his devotion in it, when exiled from England in 1164. 
It was, indeed, a place peculiarly suited for retirement; and 
Mons. Guizot devoted himself to the study of history and to the 
composition of those works for which he is now famous. Deep 
as ]iis studies may have been, he certainly did not neglect his 
political schemes, but seems to have kept himself wonderfully 
au fait with all that was passing in the Spanish Peninsula and in 
France. 

After giving us a loilg account of the different administrations 
which succeeded each other in the Peninsula, he informs us 
that the Northern Courts felt no inconsiderable anxiety concern- 
ing the Eepublic of Cracow; and that Mons. Thiers endea- 
voured to gain eclat for his administration by negotiating a 
marriage between the Duke of Orleans and the Archduchess 
Maria Theresa, daughter of the Archduke of Austria. The Arch- 
duke was not opposed to the match; but his relative the Emperor 
manifested the greatest repugnance to it notwithstanding the diplo- 
matic tact of M. St. Aulaire, and the project failed. M. Thiers also 
met with considerable opposition in his Spanish policy. The Cabinet of 
St. James, according to Mons. Guizot, had now declared an armed 
intervention on behalf of Queen Isabella, and he accuses England of 
a desire to obtain the mastery of some port in Biscay. Of course 



GUIZOT's FOUllTH VOLUME. 75 

this latter charge required more substantial proof. In fact, the 
account of this part of the Spanish question seems to have been more 
than usually embittered by national prejudice, a vice which even 
Mons. Guizot is not free from. He is evidently peaked at Mons. 
Martinez de la Rosa having relied more upon English than upon 
Prench assistance, and at the Spaniards having made a secret 
though very advantageous commercial treaty with the English. 
They soon found, however, that the French were quite as necessary 
as their English ally; and the Ministry solicited the aid of the 
Erench to put down the Carlist insurrection in the provinces, and 
the revolutionary movement in Madrid ; though Louis Philippe was 
firmly resolved to refrain from armed interference in Spain. He 
offered to advance money, but refused to allow a French force to 
pass the Spanish frontier. This decision brought about the resigna- 
tion of the French Ministry ; and Mons. Thiers, notwithstanding 
his brilliant talents and conversational powers, was obhged to relin- 
quish office, after having held it but a very short period. 

Before we turn to the ministry of Mons. Mole and Mons. 
Guizot, M^e may remark that Thiers's administration was noted for 
one of the many attempts made on the life of the King. Louis 
Phihppe was suddenly fired upon, whilst driving to the Tuileries ; but 
the ball happily missed its mark, and passed from one side of the 
carriage to the other without touching the King. Of course, the 
death of so important a personage as Louis Philippe would have 
been much felt in every state of Europe, as removing the only obstacle 
to the success of the ultra-revolutionary party in France. It was 
therefore a matter of congratulation that the King had escaped this 
cowardly attempt; and, although we are not inclined to re-echo the 
unbounded praise lavished on Louis Philippe by Mons. Guizot, we 
yet believe that he was tke man of the period. Sufficiently moderate 
in his views to remain a constitutional sovereign, he was firm 
and energetic enough to put down revolution at home, and to 
inspire other nations with a proper respect for the French name 
without the eclat of military glory or territorial aggrandisement. 
His ministers were well chosen ; and the qualities of his son 
and of the rest of his family were such as to contribute much 
to the strength of his authority. He was, however, in the em- 
barrassing position of "wanting a Ministry," and he naturally 
turned to his old friends of the Broglie party, and discussed 
with the Duke many plans of policy, though he was not sufficiently 
in accord with that statesman to admit of his taking the 
helm of state. He, however, advised the King to call together a per- 
fectly new set of men with one or two great leaders. The King accord- 



76 guizot's fourth volume. 

ingly entrusted the formation of tlie new cabinet to his friends, 
Guizot and Mole. These statesmen were, in most instances, agreed 
in their political views, and had been colleagues in several cabinets 
from the time of Louis XVII to that of Louis Philippe. Mons. 
Guizot was, however, unwilling to form or join any cabinet of 
which Mons. Broglie was not a member, though this scruple was at 
length overcome by the urgent solicitations of the King. 

The policy of the new ministers, with M. Mole as president, was 
peaceful and moderate. Guizot, however, refused to take a first 
place in it, but contented himself with filling his old office of Minister 
of Instruction and cabinet leader in the chamber of deputies. Gene- 
ral Barnard was appointed War minister, and Mons. de Montalivet 
kept his post as Minister of Public Works. This ministry, of course, 
fully agreed with the King in his indirect policy with regard to 
S})ain, and allowed that country to proceed with its civil wars un- 
molested, whilst it kept up friendly relations with the northern 
states and England. Its chief measure was the administration 
of Algeria. Mons. Thiers had always been of opinion that the 
French ought not only to retain what they had already acquired in 
that quarter of the world, but should also increase their possessions. 
We have even been told by well-informed Frenchmen that Thiers 
recommended that the influence of England in the Mediterranean 
should be counterbalanced by the formation of a good harbour and 
ports at Algiers and along the coasts. Be this as it may, he 
fully entered into the views of Marshal Clauzel, then governor 
of Algeria, and encouraged him in his plans of conquest. When 
the ministry changed, however, Guizot and his colleagues, who 
had always considered it necessary to keep on the defensive, replied 
to Marshal Clauzel's propositions, that the schemes were too vast to 
be proposed with any hope of success, and that they did not fall 
within the views of the cabinet. The Marshal, however, who was 
a regular French soldier of the old stamp, resolved to undertake the 
capture of Constantine on his own responsibility; and, having collected 
a small number of Spahis at Bona, under Joussouf, ordered the 
general at Algiers to send on his battalion, under Changarnier, and 
commenced a march, at the end of October, for Constantine. The 
season was, however, ill- chosen, and the force too small and scantily 
provided for such an expedition ; and although the rain had much 
broken up the roads, the French Marshal wrote in his despatch to 
his government that it was only "pluie de culture" and not " pluies 
d'hiver." The troops, dispirited by this bad weather, found it no 
easy task to move their artillery and baggage through the mountain 
passes, and many of the men fell out of the ranks and were cut down 



guizot's eourth volume. 77 

by the surrounding tribes. Notwithstanding these obstacles, the 
Marshal determined to push on to Constantine, and a change in the 
weather enabled the troops to conclude their terrible march. None of 
the generals were fully aware of its strength until they had actually 
arrived before the town. Situated on a high table land, with unap- 
])roachable roads, with a deep chasm traversed by the torrent Rummel 
which almost surrounded it, it was no easy place to take. The French 
found a large garrison, commanded by Achmet Bey, one of the most 
courageous of the Turkish governors, who made a determined resist- 
ance. Besides this, they were exposed to the inclemency of the 
weather, which, in these elevated regions, was most trying. Their num- 
bers were thinned by hardships and privation, as they had to bring 
their provisions from Bona, some considerable distance from the seat 
of operations, whilst the country through which they had to pass was 
entirely possessed by the enemy. The French general, however, 
believed that he could surmount all these obstacles by a simultaneous 
assault on three sides of the town at night, which, though gallantly 
made, signally failed; and Marshal Clauzel was severely wounded. It 
now became necessary for the army to undertake that most difficult of 
all military movements, a well-sustained retreat before a victorious 
enemy. Although the Frencli evacuated their camp at midnight, 
the enemy soon discovered that they had commenced a retrograde 
movement, and Achmet Bey's cavalry attacked them on all sides. 
Changarnier, who commanded the vanguard, perceiving that the 
French army had no chance of conducting its retreat in safety and 
good order, and that forty men had just been cut off from his own 
battalion, commanded a halt, and practised the same tactics on the 
Arab cavalry as had been used with so much success by Napoleon 
on the Mamelukes of Egypt. Thus the rolling fire of the infantry 
square was most effectual against the Moorish horse, who were 
put to flight, and the retreat was successfully accomplished to 
Bona without any further molestation on the part of the Arabs. 

This disastrous campaign gave rise to great indignation in France, 
and the ministry, who disapproved of Clauzel's conduct, at once 
recalled him. The government were obliged to defend themselves 
against a very severe debate on this point in the chambers ; whilst 
the Marshal, though he was a thorough soldier, and ready to serve 
his country under any government, was unable to defend himself. 
He^ blamed the ministry for withholding the necessary means of 
carrying out the expedition ; and refused to understand that his 
plans of conquest were totally at variance with the views of the 
ministry. 

Relieved of tliis question, the government was alarmed by the 



78 guizot's fourth volume. 

attempt of Louis Napoleon to subvert the reigning dynasty, and to 
place himself on the Erench throne. Mons. Guizot has been very 
bold in his account of this insurrection, affirming it to be scarcely 
credible that a young lieutenant of artillery should now fill with credit 
the throne of his uncle. At the time of the emeute Prince Louis was 
only known by a few articles in the journals on the political rights of 
his family, and some essays on military tactics. He was, however, 
imbued with the conviction that he was destined to restore the 
lost power of his dynasty. With such impressions, our author 
thinks it quite rational that Louis Napoleon should have run the 
risk of overthrowing the King's government, and attributes his suc- 
cess of 1848 to the necessity which frenchmen then felt of obtain- 
ing some strong hand to stop the excesses of the republicans. The 
insurrection and entry into Strasbourg were at first successful, as 
many of the artillery corps were prevailed on to join him, though the 
infantry regiments refused to do so. This gave time for the Mayor 
to obtain auxiliary force, and oppose the movement with some degree 
of vigour. The Prince was not only frustrated in this attempt, but, 
together with his comrades, was made prisoner. The King dealt 
too leniently with him, simply banished him to New York, and treated 
him as a royal prince. His accomplices, however, were punished 
with the utmost severity of the law. 

The other measures which chiefly occupied the ministry at this 
period were the negotiations for a marriage between the Duke of 
Orleans and the Princess of Mecklenburg, and the settlement of the 
income of the Due de Nemours and other members of Louis 
Philippe's family. On this point the King was most sensitive, 
remarking to Mons. Guizot " that his children might hereafter want 
bread." He seems to have feared the state of parties in Prance, and 
to have foreseen the difficulty of preserving the constitution when 
he should be removed by incapacity or death. Notwithstanding the 
vast property which the Orleanists possessed, and the apparent 
stability of their government and authority, these forebodings have 
unfortunately been realized. 

The revision of the criminal law and the treatment of political 
offenders next occasioned violent debates in the chambers, and some 
difl'erence of opinion amongst the ministers themselves, Guizot siding 
in favour of what he calls " the policy of resistance,^' whilst Mole 
supported that of " conciliation." These differences again led to the re- 
signation of most of the cabinet. The King, however, seemed desirous 
to bring about an understanding between MM. Guizot and 
Mole, but without effect ; and he sent, in turn, for Mons. Thiers, 
Marshal Soult, Sebastiani, and Mons. Dupont, all of whom he 



GUIZOt's rOUETH VOLUME, 79 

solicited to form a cabinet. None of them, however, were disposed 
to undertake so difiicult a task, and Louis Phihppe was again 
driven to ask the advice of Mons. Guizot, whose poHcy and opinions, 
being still too bold and vigorous, did not meet with the approval of 
the King. Mons. M0I6 was therefore desired to retain his post, and 
to form a new cabinet ; from which Mons. Guizot, his friend, M. 
Gasparin, and several members of the old cabinet, were excluded. 

During Mons. Mole's administration, on the 27th of December, 
1836, another attempt was made upon the life of the King, whilst 
on his way from the Tuileries to the chambers. It, however, proved 
unsuccessful, and the assassin Meunier was captured, tried, and . 
condemned. He had no accomplices, made no confession, and died 
impenitent. 

In pausing to review the reign of Louis Philippe, the wonder 
seems, not that his authority was at length destroyed, but that 
it should have stood so long against conspiracies of all kinds, 
and that he should have escaped with his life. It must have required 
considerable prudence, vigilance, firmness, and personal courage, for 
the old King to have borne up against the troubles which were daily 
gathering round him ; but, with all his faults, Louis Philippe was 
really an able and vigorous constitutional monarch, who saw what 
the age and the nation required, and, for a considerable period, 
carried out his views with energy and firmness. Mons. Guizot 
saw, with the sagacity of his master, that though liberal reforms were 
required, they could only be carried out with firmness : " thus," says 
Guizot, " I always leaned to the policy of resistance." 

After our author's rupture with Monsieur M0I6, he took little 
interest in political affairs for some considerable time, owing to a 
great family affliction. His son, a student of great promise at the 
Polytechnic School, died suddenly, at the age of twenty-two. His 
loss was not only keenly felt by his father, but was regretted by a 
large circle of friends and acquaintances. Political men of all classes 
evinced the most cordial sympathy for Guizot; and even Mons. 
Dupont, president of the chamber of deputies, a man who was wanting 
in consideration for others, condoled sincerely with him : a fact most 
gratifying to Guizot, and soothing his affliction. His attention was 
soon to be distracted by the marriage of the Duke of Orleans with 
the Princess of Mecklenburgh Schwerin, an event which took place 
at Fontainebleau. The historical associations which presented them- 
selves to Guizot's mind, when visiting this ancient palace, are vividly 
described. The marriage was celebrated by civil contract drawn up by 
M. de Passy, the 170th chancellor of Prance (counting from the time 
of St.- Boniface, the first who had held the office, 1100 years ago, under 



80 guizot's fourth volume; 

Pepin le Bref). The ceremony was performed before the assembled 
guests in the Galley of Henry II. Then came the Catholic sacrament 
of marriage, performed by the Bishop of Nantes and a number of 
Abbes and Priests : and lastly, the Protestant ceremony, which 
was effected in the Hall of Henry IV by Monsieur Cuvier, the 
Principal of the Protestant Church of Paris. Prom Pontaine- 
bleau Guizot was invited by the King to assist at the ceremony 
of opening the Museum of Versailles. That palace perhaps pos- 
sessed as many interesting historical associations as Pontainebleau, 
though erected at a later period ; most of the conspicuous events 
which occurred in the latter part of Louis XIV's reign having 
been enacted there ; the rooms occupied by Montespan and Main- 
tenon still remaining untouched. Many a nook recalled the doings 
of Louis XV and XVI, and the terrible misfortunes which befel the 
latter. We have a long dissertation from Mons. Guizot as to the 
impressions produced on the King's mind, as well as on his own, by 
this ceremony. It savours much, however, of Prench vanity, which 
is ever prone to moralize on the veriest trifle. He might very well 
have omitted this sermon, though he seems to think that the pubHc 
require a confession of private feelings, as well as the details of 
political events. Prom Versailles he goes to join the Duke of 
Orleans at Compiegne, where he witnessed a review of 20,000 
men. This royal palace again suggests to Guizot further historical 
association, while he extols the urbanity of his host, and indulges 
in rhapsody at the fascination, charming conversation, agreeable 
manners, highly cultivated mind, refined taste, atid generous heart 
of the Princess. 

Prom these joyous scenes, Mons. Guizot goes on to mention the 
deaths of some of the eminent personages with whom he had been 
associated in political life during the earlier part of his career, and 
who had been removed by age from the active struggles of party 
life. This is perhaps the most interesting portion of the volume. 
The first two names in his obituary are those of Mons. Eaynouard 
and Mons. Plaugergues ; the former a man of considerable literary 
talent, who, having retired from pohtics, resided in Provence, of which 
district he was a native, and on the literature of which his writings 
threw considerable light. Plaugergues, on the other hand, had 
devoted himself exclusively to politics, in which his great ex- 
perience, honesty, valuable information, and conscientious discharge 
of duties, made him a useful servant alike to the Emperor Napo- 
leon, Louis XVIII, Charles X, and Louis Philippe, and caused 
him to be much lamented by all parties. Mons. Le Baron Louis 
followed next, and his loss was felt as a great financial authority. 



GUIZOT S FOUETH VOLUME. 81 

Besides much experience in that department, his general know- 
ledge of political affairs was most extensive, his views souad and 
in accordance with the requirements of the age ; whilst his clear 
mind and his political honor were a wonder to his countrymen. 
Amongst the mihtary deaths, those of Marshal Lobau and General 
Haxo are noticed, as m'cU as the high qualifications of Mons. de 
Sacy, Mons. Laromiguiere, and Dr. Broussais. 

Our Author then records the death of the celebrated Prince 
Talleyrand, the ablest of diplomatists, and most hypocritical of 
statesmen. No man ever passed through so many changes of 
fortune as Talleyrand; whilst none of his cotemporaries had 
so long a career, or reached so advanced an age with all their 
faculties. Born of noble family, he entered the church and soon 
rose high in the profession. When the Eevolution began, he was 
■already a bishop. He soon, however, subscribed to the new constitu- 
tion, and seems never to have forgotten the part he took with the mob 
when all titles and distinctions were abolished. He swore allegiance to 
every subsequent government, was employed by the Directory as 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and originated the expedition to Egypt. 
He served Napoleon as First Consul and Emperor, until 1812, 
when his sagacious eye detected the decline of the Imperial authority, 
and he commenced a secret correspondence with the Bourbons, which, 
being discovered, caused his exile. He returned to France with 
Louis XVIII, in whose service, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he 
made the acquaintance of Mons. Guizot; though, as we have seen in 
the first volume, our author was little impressed with his talents. 
When Napoleon returned in 1815, Talleyrand fled with Louis 
XVIII, and remained attached to that monarch throughout the 
rest of his reign, though he did not long hold any prominent 
office in the monarch's councils. He was in turn employed 
by Charles X, and sent by Louis Philippe as minister to Eng- 
land, where he won diplomatic laurels by the course he pursued 
with regard to the affairs of Belgium. He remained at his post in 
England until 1834, when he requested his recall. From this period 
he intrigued against the Cabinet of the Duke de Broglie, and thus 
furnished Guizot with a just cause of dislike. The latter portion of 
his life was passed in retirement, and in the study of Social 
Science. He nevertheless suffered from want of occupation, 
though he was occasionally invited to Court, where the King 
received him with coldness. At length, in the year 1837, at the age 
of eighty-seven, a strange fancy seized this vigorous old man. He 
appeared on the tribune of the Society of Social and Political 
Science, and there delivered a lecture. It was attended by a large 

M 



82 guizot's fourth volume. 

assembly of literati, and was a complete success. Soon after this event, 
his friends received the news of his dangerous illness. The old man, 
according to Mons. Guizot, set about making his peace with the Pope 
and the Church, and wrote a letter to his Holiness, praying for abso- 
lution. The signing of this letter was the last act of his hfe. No 
one can as yet discover what Mons. de Talleyrand^s religious belief 
was; but, "in submitting to an acknowledgment of his errors," 
says M. Guizot, " and in avowing his penitence, he performed an act 
honest in itself and in accordance with the opinion of the world. It 
was a solemn apology, after notorious irregularities." Every one is 
aware that M. De Talleyrand's papers contained matter so compro- 
mising to every sovereign of Europe that they were placed under the 
public seal of Prance, and he himself requested that they should not 
be published until thirty years after his decease. 

Mons. Guizot gives us an obituary of several other persons 
eminent in literature and science, too numerous, however, to be 
mentioned here, and then glances at the more active world of politics 
in which he was so distinguished an actor. We learn that M. Mole's 
administration was wanting in defined policy, though many able and 
important laws were passed through the Chamber. Foreign relations 
were on a satisfactory footing, except a coolness between England 
and Prance which was fostered by the northern courts. The colonies 
were prosperous, and the subsequent capture of Constantine, under 
Marshal Yalle, added to its popularity. The opposition in the 
Chamber, though strong, was by no means united. It was formed 
of what Mons. Guizot is pleased to term a number of pohtical 
groups, around MM. Thiers, Odillon Barrot, and himself. He assures 
us that he endeavoured to form a strong party with the assistance of 
these leaders ; but his own political opinions and those of M. Odillon 
Barrot were so at variance with each other that it was impossible for 
them to sit in the same cabinet. Between M. Thiers and himself 
there was no such difference of opinion, and Guizot therefore pro- 
posed that he and Mons. Thiers should form a cabinet, whilst Mons. 
Odillon Barrot should be made President of the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, a post for which his eloquence well fitted him. Thus he could 
render effectual services to the ministry, without either expressing 
or compromising his political principles. Before this cabinet, 
however, could be arranged, the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved, 
for the third time within three years, and Mons. Mole's cabinet fell 
into discredit, such as had not arisen since the revolution of July. 
When the Chambers were again assembled, the want of con- 
fidence in the administration was so great that it was obliged to 
resign, and a number of politicians were sent for and commissioned 



guizot's fourth volume. 83 

to form a new ministry. The task was at length accepted by 
Marshal Soult, whose ministry was formed of a coalition of the 
chief political leaders of the day, with the exception of MM. 
Guizot and Thiers, neither of whom could be induced to join it, 
unless certain posts, already filled, were conferred upon them. Mons. 
Guizot, however, feebly supported the new ministry in the Chamber, 
and devoted his leisure to the translation of the Life of Washington 
by Mr. Sparks. 

The Eastern question. May, 1839, to February, 1840, occupies the 
last chapter of Mons. Guizot's able volume. This vexed question had 
only slumbered, and now, like a conflagration, again arose to occupy 
the attention of Europe. The Erench were for supporting the here- 
ditary claims of Mehemet Ali to Egypt, though they were adverse to 
the cession of Syria. Long negotiations were set on foot in England 
and Austria to obtain these conditions, whilst Russia intrigued to 
profit by the downfall of the Ottoman empire. Thus the powers re- 
solved to combine against her, should she attempt any such mediation 
as she had done a few years previously. A coolness, however, arose 
between the English and French governments on the question of 
ceding Syria to Mehemet Ali, which the Russians seized as a favour- 
able opportunity for obtaining concessions for themselves. Although 
they had already forestalled other states by announcing their readiness 
to accept any terms proposed by England and France, they yet sent 
one of their ablest diplomatic agents to London to foster and 
strengthen the Anglo-French antagonism. General Sebastiani, the 
French ambassador, who was absent from England, was at once 
ordered to return to his post, and endeavour, if possible, to regain 
the friendship of England. During these negotiations. Sultan Mah- 
moud died suddenly at Constantinople, on the 30th June, 1838, and 
was succeeded by his son, yet a minor, who was little likely to be 
able to contend successfully against the numerous difficulties which 
surrounded his empire. Nothing definite was therefore arranged on 
this Eastern question during the year 1839. It was proposed, how- 
ever, that Austria and Prussia should join their small marine force 
with the powerful English fleet in the Mediterranean, and defend the 
Sultan's dominions against his enemies. Mons. Guizot, who had 
violently attacked the foreign policy of the Government, was now, in 
order to quiet and satisfy his ambition, offered the post of ambassador 
to London. He for some time hesitated, as he had already refused 
to be Envoy at Constantinople; which, by the way, was a wise decision, 
considering his opinions on the question. On perceiving, however, 
that this post in England would not compromise any political principle, 
and that it would save him from much contention with the Cabinet at 



84 guizot's fourth volume. 

home, he at length accepted it. He well represented the French 
nation at the Court of St. James's, and did his best to bring about 
a good understanding between the English and French governments, 
notwithstanding that the King, his master, had reluctantly agreed to 
his appointment. 

With our author's arrival in London, to take possession of his new 
duties, in February, 1840, closes the fourth volume of these Memoirs, 
which is equal in detail and style to any of the preceding ones. As 
we have seen, it contains the narrative of many interesting events, both 
in the private life of the writer and the political history of his country, 
and adds lustre to the pen of an honest and enlightened French 
historian. 



PKESCOTT, 
THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 



PEESCOTT, 
THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 



Many qualifications are necessary for writing history, a metier 
now considered as much a science as astronomy or chemistry — 
made up as it is of as many causes, and producing as certain efi'ects 
as any known chemical combination of sideral calculation. An 
educated mind, close research for information on particular and 
disputed points, great impartiality in portraying events and characters, 
are some of the necessary acquirements for starting as an Historian. 
Pew of these qualities, however, are strongly marked in the writers 
of the present day, if we except Sir Archibald Allison, whose 
reasonings on the causes and effects of history would be clear and 
intelligible, were they not somewhat mingled with speculative cal- 
culations as to what Providence might or would do under certain 
circumstances. Few historians have attained so high and deserved 
an eminence as Gibbon and Hallam, who surpass their brethren 
in learning and research — so vast has been their subject, and so wide 
the period over which their labours have extended. Tims it is 
beyond doubt that all the reputation of modern historians has been 
achieved by hard, diligent study — the goal of success being difficult 
to attain, the energy to become a great historical authority needing 
no ordinary exertion. 

If, then, it be so difficult for an author, in the possession of his 
five senses, to compile a really good historical work, must it not 
appear almost an impossibihty for a blind man to make such an 
attempt. Mr. Prescott has, however, proved that such an under- 
taking is not only possible, but that it may be engaged in with the 
greatest success, by one labouring under such an affliction. 

It is scarcely necessary to mention Mr. Prescott's many literary 
productions, as they are well known and justly popular, both in 
America and England. They are astonishing from the many different 
subjects upon which they touch, the extent of the information they 
contain, the clearness of their views, and the excellence of their 



88 PKESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTOEIAN. 

style ; and have undoubtedly gained for Mr. Prescott^ notwithstand- 
ing his want of sight, a high rank amongst the greatest historians of 
his day. 

As America has just lost this brilliant literary son, we shall 
endeavour to furnish our readers with a short sketch of his life and 
'labours. Descended from respectable ancestors, who had emigrated 
to Massachusetts in the days of Charles I, in order to escape the 
religious persecution which was inflicted by that monarch on the 
Puritans, it appears that Prescott's grandfather was one of the early 
heroes of Bunker's-hill. His father long filled, with great ability, 
the important post of judge in his own state, having first lived at 
Salem, and afterwards at Boston; at the former of which places 
Prescott the historian was born, and spent the early part of his youth. 
It appears that, like most young men of good family in that state, he 
was sent to the University near Boston to complete his education for 
the bar, where, by an accident, he lost the vision of one eye, while 
the other was so much impaired that he was unable to use it for any 
length of time, and was obliged to continue his studies by the assistance 
of other students. This affliction seriously injured his prospects in 
life ; for, in a country like America, a man without professional rank 
or wealth is looked upon with little consideration — position and suc- 
cess mainly depending on individual exertion and industry. Prescott 
judiciously saw that the pursuit of literary eminence would at once 
make up for any loss of professional reputation and pecuniary 
wealth. He therefore early turned his thoughts to literature, and 
wrote, soon after graduating at the University, on various subjects in 
tlie best American periodicals of the day. If we may judge from 
his miscellaneous productions, some of which he has since published 
in a collected form, his style, at that early period, was distinguished 
for its vigour, clearness, and its pure plain Saxon, which the most 
eminent English authors consider preferable to the high-flown style 
and lengthy periods of Dr. Johnson or of Gibbon. 

His articles in the North American Review show the tendencies 
of his mind and his favourite studies. In October, 1824, he con- 
tributed a paper on " Italian Narrative Poetry," which called out 
some strictures from an Italian teacher in New York, to wliich a 
reply was made in the North American Review for July, 1825. A 
paper on "Scottish Song" appeared in July, 1826 ; one on " Moliere" 
in October, 1828; one on "Irving's CouLpest of Granada" in 
October, 1829. The titles and dates of his other contributions are 
as follows : "Instruction of the Blind," July, 1830 ; " Poetry mid 
Eomance of the Italians," July, 1831; "Cervantes," July, 1837; 
" Sir Walter Scott," April, 1838 ; "Chateaubriand's English Litera- 
ture," October, 1839; " Bancroft's United States," January, 1841; 
" Madame Calderon's Life in Mexico," January, 1843; "Ticknor's 



PRESCOTT, Tilli BLI.VD UISTORIAN. 8'.) 

History of Spanish Literature/' January, 1850. These essays, ex- 
cept the hist, were printed in one volume in London and Bosioii in 
1845, and several editioiis have since been called for. 

Soon after leaving the University, Prescott, like many other 
eminent men, derived much useful and extensive information by 
visiting foreign countries. He did not agree with most of his " 
countrymen, that " the almighty everlasting republic" was the 
only spot on the face of the earth worth inhabiting, and that 
all other places were inferior in every respect as compared with it ; 
although he might still have thought that freedom was no where to 
be equalled out of the United States, that no government was 
superior to it, and that none could compete with the Americans in 
energy, resource, and perseverance. Yet he was well aware tiiathis 
country was a new one ; that it had not had the same time to progress 
in politics, science, and art, as many of the countries of the old 
world; and that it was far behind even the second-rate kingdoms 
of Italy and Spain, in all that makes history charming and attractive. 
Of course, like every American, Prescott's steps were first turned 
towards England, as the country which had given birth to his own, 
and which was still similar to his native state in religion, language, 
civil institutions, and national character. From thence he visited 
France and Italy, and seems to have made himself thoroughly ac- 
quainted with the language and literature of the latter country ; so 
much so, that it is said he intended, at one time, to write a work on 
Italian literature — a subject which, in our opinion, was almost too vast 
for one who only had the use of his sight for a few hours of the day, 
and who had to depend so much on others for information. Historic 
associations, such as Rome, Florence, or Venice afforded, must have 
nerved him up to undertake most difficult tasks in historical composi- 
tion ; and we accordingly find that, soon after his return home, he 
began to look for a subject which might prove worthy of his energies. 
"Whilst, however, he was deciding this knotty point, where to direct 
his pen, an event occurred, which for some little time put history 
from his thoughts. He fell in love with and married a good and 
amiable lady, who bore him several children, amongst whom we may 
mention his two surviving sons, and his daughter, the wife of that 
intelhgent and good man, Mr. James Lawrence, of Boston, who is 
so well known and esteemed both in America and England."^ 

* Mr. James Lawrence is the eldest son of his Excellency the Honourable 
Abott Lawrence, . who, for a lengthened period represented the United States at the 
Court of St. James's, and who, as a philanthropist and diplomatist, did more to 
cement the bonds of friendship between the two countries than any other American 
or English statesman before or since his time ; and whose death, which occurred soon 
after his return, was as deeply felt in English society as it was throughout the Union. 

N 



90 PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

Prescott, in the year 1838, produced his work on Ferdinand 
of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. He could not have chosen a 
period more full of interest, or more important, on which to exer- 
cise his extraordinary historical talents — when the disorders of the 
middle ages were just subsiding — when the feudal system and the 
baronial power was giving way before the order and civilization of 
the large and absolute monarchies which were then forming in 
Europe — when, in Germany, excesses in religion were beginning to 
bring about the changes which ended in the great Eeformation — 
when, in England, that commercial spirit was just dawning, after 
the horrors of the wars of the two roses, which led to such glorious 
results, and made the country, in civil government and naval supre- 
macy, what it is — when, in France, English invasion had been suc- 
cessfully overcome, when all her great fiefs, united in one strong 
monarchy, thus enabled her to take her proper place as an European 
state, and to prosecute her schemes of aggrandizement and ambition 
in Italy — when in Italy itself, the various republics into which 
it was divided had reached their greatest splendour in arts and 
civilization, and had given birth to those geniuses which were to 
produce the future enlightenment of Europe — when the Medici, 
and other distinguished families had reached their greatest power — 
when the Pope had just attempted to unite the Greek and Roman 
churches under one head, and had invited for that purpose many 
of the most illustrious Greek scholars to Italy to bring over their 
philosophy and literature with them — when Constantinople was taken 
by the Turks, and the knowledge and science of the ancient Greeks 
thereby still further diffused over Europe — when the Scandinavian 
kingdoms were overcome by Margaret, the Semiramis of the North, 
and the brilliant patriotic efforts of Gustavus Vasa in the defence of 
Sweden against the cruelty and oppression of Christian II of 
Denmark — when the independence of the Swiss republic was ac- 
knowledged by their dreaded Austrian enemies, after a century's 
desperate contest — when Portugal commenced and completed her 
great discoveries on the coast of Africa, which solved the difficult 
problem of a new and safer route to India — and, finally, when 
Spain herself, united under one monarch, successfully drove out the 
Moors, and assisted Columbus in prosecuting those discoveries 
in the New World which were destined to open a new and more 
extended field for European invention, enterprise, and civilization. 
— This was the time and these the events which Prescott nerved 
himself to describe; this stirring period which had witnessed 
the invention of printing, and when the mighty writings of 
Macchiavelli, Ariosto, and Tasso, dawning upon the world, pro- 
claimed to posterity what eminence the intellect of that age had 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 91 

already attained, and wliat it had done for the cause in knowledge, 
commerce, and civilization. 

The characters whicli he liad to describe were the most remark- 
able of the age ; and Spain, the kingdom over which they ruled, was, 
owing to the acquisitions which she made in the new world and her 
possessions in the south of Italy, the most influential and wealthy 
country of Europe. In the commencement of his work, he gives us a 
short but admirable sketch of the previous histories of Aragon and 
Castile, in which he fully bears out Mr. Hallam's assertion of their 
having received liberal constitutions earlier than any other state in 
Europe ; confirming the account of other historians as to their deeds 
of daring in the wars against the Moors ; of their early progress in 
literature and science, and their proficiency in astronomical obser- 
vations. Indeed— if we may judge from the men who were produced 
during the reign of Ferdinand, and that of his grandson Charles V 
of Spain, generals, statesman, and literary men — the intellect of the 
Spaniard, like the soil of his country, only requires cultivation to 
produce the richest fruits. The great men who have appeared in 
Spain are few ; but those who have distinguished themselves have 
attained to the highest eminence, and any country might well be 
proud of Gonsalvo di Cordova, the Duke of Alva, Cardinal Zimenes, 
Cervantes, Lope de Yega, or Calderou. 

This w^ork of Prescott displays those powers of description which 
enables us to become thoroughly acquainted with the manners and 
customs of the people, and the era about which he wrote, and renders 
his writings and those of Dr. Eobertson more like interesting novels 
than the grave details of historical narrative. 

Prescott's " Eerdinand and Isabella'' was everywhere deservedly 
popular ; and, besides passing through several editions, both here and 
in America, was translated into Erench, German, Spanish, and several 
other European languages, and acquired for its author the distinction 
of being made a Member of the Academy at Madrid. 

Although this particular history had given him much labour in 
compilation, Prescott did not rest satisfied with the success which he 
had thus obtained, but, almost as soon as it was completed, turned 
his attention to a subject which was quite as interesting, and, if any 
thing, surrounded with greater difficulties, there being but scanty 
materials to work upon. The History of the '' Conquest and Dis- 
covery of the Empire of Mexico," together with a narrative of its 
foundation, and a notice of the early life of its conqueror, Cortes, 
whose genius and remarkable qualities would have done honour to 
any country and any age, now became his absorbing idea. The 



92 PRESCOTl'^ THE BLIND IIISTOEIAN. 

account of the discovery of the New World had already been given 
by Washington Irving, or else it is not at all improbable that 
Prescott might have taken, as his next subject, the life of that 
famous old navigator, Christopher Columbus, together with a de- 
scription of the adventures and obstructions Vi'hich he met with in 
his great enterprise. This, however, had already been so well done 
by Washington Irving, that any fresh narrative would have at once 
been thrown into the shade. 

Before considering this work of Mr. Prescott, it will be as 
well to glance at the doings of the early explorers who visited 
tlie New World. It is doubtful whether the inhabitants were 
capable of forming any extensive empire or monarchy, or even 
undertaking any great work in art or arms. They lacked the 
energy and perseverance which has been shown by nations 
which have attained any degree of civilization ; and they were 
even too weak to perform the task imposed upon them by their 
Spanish discoverers. Pound in a state of nakedness, living upon the 
produce of the sea and the tropical plants which were brought forth 
in abundance in their genial climate ; they seem to have been divided 
into a number of petty tribes, ruled over by chieftains of their own 
election, who were all more or less warlike, and who soon found 
cause to detest the Spaniard for his haughty and cruel conduct, and 
for his intense love of gold, which they could not at first comprehend, 
as they seem to have had but small notion of barter, and less of 
trade. Their implements of war were rude and primitive ; their 
canoes were simple and ill-adapted for making long voyages ; whilst 
their religious ideas were confined to belief in a Pirst Cause, from 
wliich every thing had sprung, and to which man would hereafter be 
responsible. They also had an idea of a general flood, which had 
involved the world and all its inhabitants in one common destruction, 
together with many early traditions. 

At this point, Prescott takes up the narrative, by telling us that 
some of the Indians, when they saw how attractive gold was to 
the Spaniards, informed them that they might obtain a great quan- 
tity of the precious metal if they bent their steps further towards 
the West ; that a large empire existed which was noted for its 
riches and its power, which would amply repay them for the dangers 
they might encounter in their voyage thither, and their hostilities 
with the natives. Hernando Cortes — a native of Estremadura, who 
had distinguished himself at home by his showy accomplishments 
and legal talents, and in the West Indies by his courage as a soldier 
and his capacity as a leader, where he had acquired much experience 
in the Indian mode of warfare — resolved to undertake this difficult 
and dangerous enterprise. 



PRiiscoTT, thp: blind historian, 9H 

Cortes reached the Mexican coast witliiii a very reasonable time, 
when we take into account the slow navigation of those clays, the 
stormy currents of those seas, which have been found to be no 
iucousidenible impediment even with the assistance of steam,'and 
the fact that tlie land he was visiting was entirely a new^discovery. 
lie even coasted along the shores of Mexico for some distance before 
he could find a good harbour for his ships, which were fortunately 
uninjured by so long an exploration of an unknown coast. He at 
length found good anchorage for them, somewhere within the vici- 
nity of the jjresent situation of Vera Cruz, and proceeded to land a 
small force of 100 men. This may seem to have been a number 
too small to encounter any enemy, however raw and undisciplined ; 
but Cortes rehed on the effect that had already been produced on 
the Indians by the horses and fire-arms of the Spaniards ; which had 
ah-eady enabled the Europeans to perform wonders, only equalled in 
romance and by the fabulous tales of ancient mythology. 

Jle found the Mexicans a people who had already obtained a 
very considerable degree of civilization, and furnished more worthy 
enemies for the Spanish Hidalgos to contend with, than had yet 
been met with in the New World. Their roads and canals were as 
excellent as any which the engineers of Spain could have constructed ; 
and the people were a hardy race, easily turned by skilful diplomacy 
from invincible foes to useful allies. Cortes and his Spaniards had 
to encounter the difficulties of high mountain passes and extreme 
severity of climate ; which, after the tropical heat, somewhat thinned 
their ranks. The intrepidity and perseverance, however, of his 
followers overcame all obstacles ; and, although his little band had 
been somewhat diminished, yet, their compact and disciplined ap- 
pearance made them formidable foes in the eyes of the unwarlike 
inhabitants of the new country. 

When they arrived at the capital, the Spaniards were astonished 
at the splendid appearance of the city, and the magnificence with 
which Montezuma and his subjects were surrounded. This has all 
been most graphically described by Prescott ; who tells us that the 
temples, palaces, and pubKc buildings, were of a grandeur and 
solidity resembling the structures of the ancient Assyrian or Egyptian 
empire ; whilst the plate and furniture used by people even of a 
very inferior grade were composed of silver and precious stones. 
As for the civilization and institutions of this remarkable nation, 
it somewhat resembled that of the early Eastern countries ; but it 
was not so fully developed, owing to the shortness of the period which 
had elapsed between the foundation of the Mexican kingdom and its 



9i PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIA.N, 

discovery and conquest by tlie Spaniards. Prescott goes on to 
assure us that the Mexicans, like the early Egyptians, corresponded 
with each other by means of hieroglyphics. They had also made 
great advance in the science of astronomy, had been able to insti* 
tute for themselves a calendar, and had determined with certainty 
the date of the foundation of their empire, which seems to have 
answered to 1075 after Christ. Thus it had barely been established 
jfive centuries, when it was overthrown by Cortes. The Mexicans 
also possessed. a regular code of laws and courts of justice, and 
carried on an extensive commerce through itinerant merchants, who 
travelled in parties in order to protect their goods. Cortes did not 
long remain master of the capital ; the jealousy of the Mexicans 
induced them to rise suddenly against their Spanish conquerors, 
who, being surprised by this sudden attack, fled precipitately before 
them. Every one is aware of the success which afterwards accom- 
panied the efforts of Cortes, and of the courage and enterprise, the 
sagacity and foresight, which enabled him, at the same time, to put 
down all rebellion amongst his own followers, to turn the hearts of 
competitors for power towards himself, and, at length, to acquire 
the extensive territories of the empire of Mexico for the Spanish 
crown. He was finally rewarded with the title of a Spanish Marquis, 
and died at a good old age, respected both by his own countrymen 
and the Mexicans. 

Prescott has displayed his usual clearness and research in the 
narrative of these events, and has left behind him a picture of Mexican 
manners, customs, life, and history, as remarkable for its accuracy, 
as for its being the production of a blind man. He is more accurate 
in his details than Dr. Robertson, probably from having had greater 
access than that celebrated historian to the various works on 
the conquest of Mexico brought together in the great libraries of 
Spain. 

It might have been supposed that he would have remained con- 
tented with the reputation he had everywhere acquired as a writer 
and historian, and with the honours which were heaped upon him by 
the various literary bodies of Europe after the appearance of his 
Mexican History ; that he would at least have refrained from 
attempting so difficult a task as the history of the other Empire of 
the New World. His active mind, however, could not rest satisfied 
under the laurels it had already gained ; and he therefore, with his 
usual energy, set about collecting the scanty materials which Spanish 
libraries furnished, for writing a history of the " Discovery arul Con- 
guest of Peru," together with a notice of the life of its extraordinary 
conqueror, Pizarro — a hero, who was, perhaps, a more remarkable 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HTSTOllIAN. 95 

man than either Cortes or Columbus, although in some respects 
less brilliant than either. Pizarro had not, like those two great 
discoverers, the grand advantages of a good education, and he 
was thus unable successfully to prosecute his discoveries, to 
execute his schemes of ambition, or administer the affairs of a 
great empire like Peru, after its conquest had been successfully 
accomplished. 

His career resembles, even more than that of Cortes, the wildest 
tales of romance ; and had any one told the great men of that day 
that a poor foundling of the province of Estremadura in Spain, 
who had great difficulty in gaining a livelihood as a swine herd, 
would become the discoverer and conqueror of a mighty empire, 
situated so many thousand miles from his native shore, he would 
have been considered a madman. Nevertheless, such was the future 
destiny of this distinguished man. 

Prescott tells us that Pizarro left his country at an early age, 
and enlisted in one of those bands of adventurers which were so 
commonly met with in the Eldorado age, and sought wealth and dis- 
tinction under the most renowned leaders in the New World. In such 
a school, he first learned to contend with the Indians, and to make 
himself thoroughly master of their mode of warfare, whilst his 
poverty and low origin had inured him to privation and hardship. 
After witnessing many a conflict with the wild Indians, in which he 
and his comrades were generally the victors, he settled on the 
Isthmus of Panama, and there lived for some considerable time in 
tranquillity and obscurity. The Indians, however, informed him, as 
well as many of his countrymen, that a vast empire in the south, 
which was fertile in the produce of gold, and in valuable mineral and 
vegetable productions, would quite as amply repay his exertions as 
Mexico had done to Cortes. Most of the Spaniards, however, who 
were settled in Panama considered the information thus given as a 
mere idle tale, and, if at all entitled to belief, far too hazardous an 
expedition to be undertaken by any of them. Pizarro, not only 
fully credited the narrative of the Indians, but resolved to go forward 
himself in search of a land which promised to give hira so much 
treasure and so many excitements. Two of his former comrades 
shared his views, and assisted him by collecting followers and con- 
tributing money to defray the expenses of the enterprise. Thus 
helped, as Prescott so amusingly tells us, Pizarro left the coast 
of Panama with three ships and a small body of gallant Spanish 
adventurers, resolved to conquer, or to die in the attempt. He safely 
landed his small army on the coast (of what has since been known 
as the empire of Peru), at once marched to the capital, and met with 



96 PHESCOTT, TUB BLIND HISTOllIAX. 

less opposition from tiie Peruvians than Cortes had done in his 
march to Mexico, It appears that, although the Peruvians were 
a highly civilized race, they were neither so warlike nor so courageous 
as the tribes that had become tributary to the Mexicans, and which 
contested with such valour and determination for their independence 
with the Castilian Hidalgos. The Peruvians, however, astonished 
their conquerors, by the excellence of their roads and canals, by 
the splendour and magnificence of their temples and public build- 
ings, and by the luxury which surrounded them in their ordinary 
life. They carried on a considerable trade with the neighbouring 
Indian tribes, and possessed an advantage over the Mexicans in the 
prosecution of commerce, by being able to transport the goods 
on that extraordinary animal the Llama, a kind of sheep, which, 
besides furnishing good flesh for food and wool for clothing, is 
of sufficient height and strength to carry burdens of a tolerable 
weight. The rearing of this useful animal, however, has, like 
aU other advantages which the Spaniards found in the New 
World, been shamefully neglected by them, though it might 
with small attention and trouble have enabled them to establish 
considerable cloth manufactories in Peru, which would have 
been quite as remunerative as the working of their extensive 
gold mines. 

Prescott tells us, also, that the Peruvians had an extraordinary 
mode of keeping their accounts, for a nation who knew nothing of 
writing. They tied a rope into the number of knots they required 
to express any particular figure. With regard to their early history, 
they had fewer annals than the Mexicans, and were obliged to trans- 
mit their records by tradition from father to son. With these 
scanty materials, however, it appears that the Spanish learned enough 
of Peruvian history to become acquainted with the fact of a most 
remarkable man appearing suddenly amongst them some three or 
four centuries previous to the Spanish mission, who had claimed the 
Sun as his father, and had taught them to consider that luminary 
as their principal deity, who had gathered the different tribes of the 
Peruvian race into one nation, had instructed them in the rudiments 
of agriculture, architecture, the making of roads and canals, and 
who had first brought amongst them the Llama, and taught them 
how to rear and feed it. He was followed on his throue by a long 
line of sovereigns, called Incas. 

Greater cruelties were committed by the Spaniards under Pizarro 
in Peru, than under Cortes in Mexico ; and his invasion was, 
perhaps, the most bloody and barbarous of all the contests by the 
Spaniards in the New World. The booty which fell into the 
hands of his followers was immense, and amply repaid them for 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 97 

all the dangers and hardship? they had encountered in prosecuting 
this arduous expedition. Pizarro now returned to Spain, in order 
to be confirmed in his office of Governor of Peru by the Emperor 
Charts V, who rewarded him for his services by creating him a 
Marquess, and the title long remained in his family. He, as is well 
known, again returned to Peru, where he ended his career at Lima, 
the capital, being assassinated by his followers who had risen against 
him. 

Prescott is considered by some to have displayed a greater 
elegance of style in his History of Peru than in any of his other 
writings. This may be the case ; but in our opinion it does not 
equal the simple, plain, and clear style, so well adapted to historical 
writing, which has been displayed in the last work which occupied 
his attention before his death. Prescott added to his many honours 
degrees from the Universities of Oxford and Edinburgh ; and his 
reputation as a writer had risen so high, that most of the libraries 
throughout Europe were open to him on the slightest demand. 
With such advantages, he was at length enabled to undertake a work 
embracing a much larger range of historical pursuit than either the 
reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile, or the Conquests of 
Mexico or Peru. He thus selected as his final subject the Life of 
Philip II of Spain, and he could not well have chosen a more in- 
teresting or a more important period on which to bestow the labour 
of his graphic pen. 

It was no easy task to give an impartial account of the history 
of Philip, as it is that of Europe during its most exciting period — 
one as is well known, in which nearly every country of Europe was 
distracted by the bloody contests between Catholics and Protestants, 
when religious feuds were more sanguinary and more obsti- 
nate than the mere political struggles of states. Both moiiarchs 
and subjects were, in the days of Philip II, only beginning 
to awaken to their mutual responsibilities ; and Prescott has 
well shown that Philip, by his power, position, and ability, was 
at the head of the Catholics in religion, and of the supporters of 
arbitrary power for political purposes; and that, in order to support 
these opinions, Philip not only carried on a long and desperate war 
with his own subjects in the Low Countries, but assisted the 
Catholics in France, England, and Germany. 

In narrating the history of Philip's reign, Prescott found it ne- 
cessary, more or less, to take a view of the former and contemporary 
state of all European countries ; for Philip was engaged in struggles 
with the Pope in Italy, the Barbary states, and the Sultan of Turkey. 
And although Prescott has rather stept beyond his limits in 
giving an account of the establishment of the Turkish Empire, of 





98 PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTOEIAN. 

the institution of tlie Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and of the 
acquisition and defence of the island of Malta, he has, nevertheless, 
made his narrative more comprehensible and more interesting by these 
properly called digressions from the broad path of his subject. 

As we have noticed the History of Philip II in another portion 
of this volume, we think it only necessary now to state that the 
whole work displays vast research and consummate learning ; that 
it is written in a clear, simple style; and that it contains many 
lively pictures, which amply show the extraordinary powers of 
description at the command of the author. Two examples will suf- 
ficiently illustrate what these powers are. Let our readers turn to 
the narration of the parting speech made at the abdication of Charles 
Y, to the Chambers assembled at Brussels, the first entrance of 
Philip into that capital, and his arrival and marriage with bloody 
Queen Mary at Winchester. 

In narrating these occurrences, Prescott gives us a great insight 
into the manners and customs of those times, when the gaudy 
pageantry and processions of the middle ages had not yet faded 
away, but had just reached their greatest splendour. 

Prescott has also rendered a great service to history, by confirm- 
ing the assertions made by Mr. Stirhng, in his work of The Cloider 
Life of Charles V, in which he proves that that monarch's retirement 
to Yuste was not, as most historians have represented, a complete 
seclusion from the business and pleasures of this world, but that it 
was- rather a rest, furnished to an overworked and unsuccessful 
sovereign, whom disease had incapacitated, but who was, neverthe- 
less, able to indulge in the pleasures and luxuries of the table, to take 
a passing interest in the affairs of his former dominions, and even to 
send from his quiet retreat that good advice to his son and successor 
which enabled Philip to pilot with some degree of safety the vessel of 
the state through the many breakers that surrounded it. The only 
matter which Mr. Prescott does not seem to explain with any 
greater degree of clearness than former historians, notwithstand- 
ing the many references he had access to, is the conduct of Philip II 
towards his unfortunate son Don Carlos. The three very excellent 
volumes which appeared on the reign of Philip II, though they con- 
tain much novel matter, yet do not extend further than through half 
the reign of that monarch. 

Although Prescott suffered from a slight paralytic attack about 
a year ago, he so completely recovered his health, that his friends 
predicted many years of life, and a more brilliant literary career 
than he had yet enjoyed. These hopes were, however, suddenly 
put an end to by his unexpected death, which occurred, at his 
residence at Boston, at the beginning of the present year (1859). As 



PBESCO'IT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 99 

an historian and critic, in his own country he held the first rank, 
and few in other lands have equalled him. He is a brilliant 
example of what may be effected by application and perseverance, 
even under so severe an affliction as blindness; and those blind 
people who may have studied his works will have derived great en- 
couragement and consolation from the fact, that the attainment of 
the highest rank in intellect and information are yet within their 
reach. They may thus rest assured that if they cannot attain to an 
equal eminence with this great man, they may yet acquire a respect- 
able mediocrity in the pursuit of any subject to which they turn 
their attention ; whilst they may try to emulate him in his 
general amiability of character, and the patience and resignation 
with which he bore his severe affliction. Prescott's many talents 
and virtues have undoubtedly gained for him the esteem of his 
friends and relatives, and thrown a most enviable lustre around his 
name, which will help to transmit it with a double credit to an 
adi airing posterity. 

We may be allowed, before closing this sbort and imperfect 
sketch of Mr. Prescott's character and career, to glance across that 
mighty expanse of waters whicli divides us from the land which gave 
him birth, and take up the echoes which a grateful country poured 
forth at the loss of their illustrious son. 

The Hon. Robert C. Wintkrop thus feelingly addresses the Mem- 
bers of the Massachusetts Historical Society, who were hastily called 
together on the decease of their illustrious literary brother. 

" You are already but too well aware of the event which has 
called us together. Our beautiful rooms are lighted this evening 
for the first time ; but the shadow of an afflicting bereavement rests 
darkly and deeply upon our walls and upon our hearts. We are 
here to pay a farewell tribute to him whom we were ever most proud 
to welcome within our cherished circle of associates, but whose sunny 
smile is now left to us only as we see it yonder, in the cold though 
faithful outlines of art. We have come to deplore the loss of one 
who was endeared to us all by so many of the best gifts and graces 
which adorn our nature, and whose gentle and genial spirit was the 
charm of every company in which he mingled. We have come es- 
pecially to manifest our solemn sense that one of the great historical 
lights of our country and of our age has been withdrawn from us for 
ever; and to lay upon the closing grave of our departed brother 
some feeble but grateful acknowledgment of the honour he had 
reflected upon American literature, and of the renown he had acquired 
for the name of an American historian." 

Professor George TicJcnor then takes up tbe refrain and declares, 
" I have uo words of formal eulogy to offer. In this moment of 

LOFC. 



100 PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

sorrow, I cannot say what I would. But this I am able to say — 
and it becomes the occasion that it should be said — that to those of 
us who knew him from the days of his bright boyhood, down to his 
latest years, when he stood before the world crowned with its honours, 
the elements that constituted the peculiar charm of his character 
seemed always to be the same ; that his life — his whole life — was to 
an extraordinary degree a happy one, governed by a prevalent sense 
of duty to God and love to man ; and that he has been taken from 
us with unimpaired faculties, and with a heart whose affections grew 
warmer and more tender to the last. 

"At the end of a life like this, although suddenly terminated, he 
naturally left few wishes for posthumous fulfilment ; and the few 
that he did leave were of the simplest and most unpretending sort. 
But one was most characteristic and touching ; and, as it has been 
accomplished, it may fitly be mentioned here. He desired that, after 
death, his remains might rest for a time in the cherished room where 
were gathered the intellectual treasures amidst which he had found 
so much of the happiness of his life. His wish was fulfilled. There 
he lay — it was only yesterday, sir — his manly form neither wasted 
nor shrunk by disease ; the features, which had expressed and in- 
spired so much love, still hardly touched by the effacing fingers of 
death: there he lay, and the great lettered dead of all ages and climes 
and countries seemed to look down upon him in their earthly and pas- 
sionless immortality, and claim that his name should hereafter be im- 
perishably united with theirs. And then, when this his wish had been 
fulfilled, and he was borne forth from those doors which he had 
never entered except to give happiness, but which he was never to 
enter again — then he was brought into the temple of God, where 
he had been used to worship, and into a company of the living such 
as the obsequies of no man of letters have ever before assembled in 
this land ; and there a passionate tribute of tears and mourning was 
paid to the great benefits he had conferred on the world, and to his 
true and loving nature, which would have been dearer to his heart 
than all the intellectual triumphs of his life. 

"And now that all this is past; now that we have laid him 
beside the father whom he so truly reverenced — whom we also 
reverenced, sir, and the mother whom he so tenderly loved, and who 
was loved of all, and especially of all in sorrow and suffering — now 
what remains for us to do ? It is little, very little. We can express 
our respect, our admiration, and our love ; we can mourn with those 
M'ho are nearest and dearest to him. These, indeed, constitute our 
incumbent duty ; and therefore, sir, I propose to you now, even in 
this season of our bitter sorrow, to fulfil it, and, as becomes such a 
moment, to fulfil it in the fewest and simplest words. 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTOBIAN. 101 

" Mr. Ticknor then read the following resolutions : — 

" ' Resolved, That, as members of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, we look back with gratitude and pride upon the brilliant 
career of our late associate, William Hickling Prescott, who, not 
urged by his social position to a life of literary toil, and discouraged 
by an infirmity which seemed to forbid success, yet chose deliberately, 
in his youth, the difficult path of historical research, and, by the 
force of genius, of courage, and of a cheerful patience, achieved for 
himself^ with the full assent of Christendom, an honoured place in 
the company of the great masters of history in all countries and in 
all ages. 

" ' Resolved, That, while we mourn the loss of one who has 
thus made our country and the world his debtors, we yet, in this 
moment of our sudden bereavement, grieve rather that we miss the 
associate and friend whom we loved, as he was loved of ail who 
knew him, for the beauty, the purity, and the transparent sincerity 
of his nature ; for his open and warm sympathies ; and for the 
faithful affections, to which years and the changes of life only added 
freshness and strength. 

" ' Resolved, That we request the President of this Society to 
transmit these resolutions to the family of our lamented and honoured 
associate, expressing to them the deep sympathy we feel in their 
affliction, and commending them to the merciful God in whom he 
trusted, and to the influences of that reHgion in which he was wont 
to find consolation under trial and suffering.' " 

Again, the voice of eulogy speaks through the celebrated 'Jared 
Sparks, LL.B., the Biographer of Washington, wlio declares that 
''An intimate acquaintance with our departed associate for along 
term of years, and a friendship and affectionate esteem growijig 
stronger as those years advanced, have produced ties and sympathies 
which could not be severed without leaving a deep impression on my 
mind and feelings. The qualities of his heart, of his intellect and 
character, were such as to wiu the steady confidence and attachment 
of all who knew him, as many of us who are here present have 
known him." 

" I will briefly touch upon those traits of his mind which qualified 
him for the remarkable success he attained as a historian. The 
highest requisites for a writer in this department of literature are a 
love of truth, impartialit}', a discriminating judgment, and a resolute 
purpose to procure all the facts that can be found, enabling him to 
render full justice to his subject. These requisites Prescott possessed 
in an eminent degree. Read his works through, and you will find 
the evidence of them impressed upon every page. You will find no 



102 PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

extravagant theories, no over-wronglit descriptions to disguise the 
faults or foibles of a favourite hero, none of the resorts of the 
casuist to sustain or defend a doubtful policy; in short, none of 
those intricate and questionable by-paths of opinion or assertion into 
which historians are sometimes led by their personal antipathies or 
partialities. Truth was his first aim, as far as he could detect it in 
the conflicting records of events ; and his next aim was to impress 
this truth, in its genuine colours, upon the reader. The characters 
and motives of men were weighed in the scales of justice, as they 
appeared to him after careful research and mature thought. In all 
these qualities of an accomplished historian, we may safely challenge 
for him a comparison with any other writer. 

" In his unceasing efforts and extraordinary success in procuring 
the materials for his various historical compositions, he has certainly 
surpassed all other writers. Previous historians had, to some extent, 
made similar efforts ; but I can say, with entire confidence, after my 
historical studies, such as they have been, that I know of no historian, 
in any age or language, whose researches into the materials with 
which he was to work have been so extensive, thorough, and pro- 
found, as those of Mr. Prescott. He was unwearied in his search 
after original documents, wherever they were to be found; never 
relying on secondary authorities, when it was possible to obtain those 
that were original or more to be depended upon. And it is wonder- 
ful M'ith what success these efforts were attended, considering the 
sources he explored, particularly in Spain, where they had been for 
a long time, in a great measure, secluded from examination. But 
his perseverance, and, more than all, the peculiar and undisguised 
traits of his character, inspiring confidence in those who had this 
prejudice against allowing those materials to be exposed to the world, 
seemed to unlock every secret depository, especially after these traits 
had been so clearly unfolded in his first historical work. His obli- 
gations for these signal favours are freely and fully acknowledged in 
his prefaces ; and, in the use he has made of the materials thus ac- 
quired, no one has had occasion to regret the implicit rehance that 
was placed on his discretion, judgment, and integrity. But, in all 
this, there was no ostentation or parade. He quietly pursued his 
course, devoting his time and thoughts to the pursuit he had chosen, 
and glad to gather from every quarter whatever would give more 
weight, character, and force to the work in which he was engaged, 
and thus contribute to enhghten the public, and produce the result 
he desired." 

The Reverend N. L. Frotkingham, B.D., remarks that " Pres- 
cott was more than his books. His character was loftier than 
all his reputation. So simple-minded and so great-minded ; so keen 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 103 

in his perceptions, but so kind in his judgments ; so resolute, but so 
unpretending ; so considerate of every one, and so tasking of him- 
self; so full of the truest and warmest afFectiotis; so merry in his 
temper, without overleaping a single due bound ; such spirit, but 
such equanimity; so much thoughtful ness, without the least cast of 
sickliness ; doing good as by the instinct of spontaneous activity, 
and doing labour without a wrinkle or a strain ; unswerving in his 
integrity, and with the nicest sense of honour ; whom no disad- 
vantage could dishearten, no prosperity corrupt, no honours and 
plaudits elate or alter one whit; modest, as if he had never done 
anything; retaining through life all the artlessness of the highest 
wisdom ; with a liberal heart and an open hand ; the ingenuousness 
of youth flashing to the last from his frank face ; walking in sym- 
pathy with his fellows, and humbly before God." 

Por want of space, we must here conclude our remarks on the 
character and career of the great blind American Historian, William 
Hickling Prescott; only transcribing a few of the opinions of those 
celebrated contemporary writers and historians. Professor G. G. 
Felton ; the well-known literary statesman and diplomatist, the Hon. 
Edward Everett ; and the historian of the United States, the Hon. 
George Bancroft. 

Professor C. C. Felton assures us that " not only those (and 
there are thousands) who knew him personally, but those who knew 
him only in the printed page — those who knew him in those beautiful 
works — seemed to know the loveliness of his character, and to feel 
for their author all the tenderness of personal affection. It is a 
saying, that ' the style is the man ; ' and of no great author in the 
literature of the world is that saying more true than of him whose 
loss we mourn. Eor in the transparent simplicity and undimmed 
beauty and candour of his style were read the endearing qualities of 
his soul ; so that his personal friends are found wherever literature 
is known, and the love for him is co-extensive with the world of 
letters, not limited to those who speak our Anglo-Saxon mother 
language, to the literature of which he has contributed such splendid 
works, but co-extensive with the civilized languages of the human 
race." 

'' Scholars everywhere will feel this bereavement ; literary and 
scientific societies will notice it by commemorative rites. What a 
cloud will come over that fair and romantic land, whose history and 
literature he has done so much to adorn ! In Germany, where his 
profound learning and his vast acquirements in the department of 
history were thoroughly appreciated, and where his name is one of 
the greatest — there, too, will his loss be deeply felt. In beautiful 
and unfortunate Italy, of whose literature he had early felt the charm, 



104 PEESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

and over whose storied sites he had wandered in his youth, the name 
of Prescott has become a classic name. Aye, more than that. In 
the lovely land, where historical composition had its origin, in the 
land of Hellas, redeemed again to freedom, letters and art — even 
there the name of Prescott has become a classic name. It was only 
last July that I had the pleasure of looking upon the works of our 
distinguished countryman, and of his lifelong friend who introduced 
these resolutions, standing side by side, in tlie University of Athens, 
with those of the illustrious native masters. 

" This sad news will speed over the earth and sea on the wings of 
the lightning. With the loveliness of returning spring, the an- 
nouncement will be heard, even to the shores of Greece, that a great 
and pure light has been withdrawn from the Western World. It 
will come upon the festive rites of that most ancient Oriental 
church that has survived so many ages of woe ; and, under the 
matchless glories of the sky of Attica, a sense of bereavement and 
a wail of sorrow will mingle with the festivities and Christian wel- 
comes of that joyous season. Be assured that, before the summer 
comes, eloquent eulogies upon the character and works of our 
departed countryman will be pronounced before crowded audiences 
of Hellenic youth, in the language of Thucydides and Xenophon, in 
that same illustrious Athens where those great ancients lived whose 
renown has made her name immortal." 

"Being about to leave home on Monday, the 24ith of January, 
— says the Hon. Edward Everett — on a visit to Philadelphia, and 
taking my accustomed walk in the middle of the day on the Saturday 
preceding, I met out late lamented and beloved associate, Prescott. 
He seemed to me as well as at any time the past twelvemonth ; but 
my son, who was with me, thought his countenance somewhat 
changed. On the following Friday, the telegraph transmitted the 
news of his death to Philadelphia ; where, I think I can truly say, 
it was mourned as deeply and sincerely as anywhere in Boston, out 
of the circle of immediate relatives and friends. They felt his death 
as a loss, not of any one place, but of the whole country. And 
this feeling I found universally prevalent in a somewhat extensive 
circuit since made in New Jersey ; in New York, where a most 
distinguished brother historian (Mr. Bancroft) gave utterance, in 
language the most appropriate and impressive, to the unaffected 
sorrow of the community | and in the neighbouring city of Brooklyn, 
which I have since visited. Everywhere those tributes of respect 
and affection which have been paid to our dear friend by his neigh- 
bours, associates, and immediate fellow-citizens, have found a ready 
response throughout the country, as they will throughout the civi- 
lized world. 



PUESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 105 

"I can add nothing to what has been already said in th e general 
contemplation of his eminence as an author, his worth as a man, 
his geniality as a companion, his fidelity as a friend ; his severe 
trials, his heroic exertions, his glorious success. But I have 
thought it might be in my power to say a few words, not unac- 
ceptably, of the rapidity and the extent to which his reputation 
was established abroad, and the prompt and generous recognition of 
his ability in Europe. The " History of Ferdinand and Isabella " 
was pubHshed at the close of 1837, or the beginning of 1838; and, 
on my arrival in Europe, in the summer of 1840, I found it exten- 
sively known and duly appreciated. Mr. Prescott, following down the 
stream of Spanish history, had abeady conceived the project of 
writing, at some future period, the history of Philip II, after he 
should have narrated, in works to be prepared in the interval, the 
magnificent episodes of the "' Conquests of Mexico and Peru." I 
remonstrated with him for passing over the reign of the Emperor 
Charles Y ; urging upon him, that the materials which had become 
accessible since Eobertson's time, especially the archives of Simancas 
(the want of access to which was so much deplored by that author), 
would enable him to treat that period to as good advantage as that 
of Eerdinand and Isabella, or Philip. But he modestly persisted in 
thinking that the reign of Charles V was exhausted by Robertson. 
The supplementary chapter with which he has enriched the edition 
of Eobertson's work, published under his supervision a few years 
since, is a sufficient proof that it would have been in his power to 
construct an original history of the reign of Charles V, which would 
have fully equalled in interest any that has been produced by him. 

" He requested me to make some preliminary inquiries at Paris in 
reference to materials for Philip II, especially to obtain information 
as to the portion of the archives of Simancas which had been carried 
in the time of Napoleon to Paris, and were still detained there. No 
difficulty attended a thorough exploration of the rich materials in 
the royal library ; but the papers from Simancas were guarded with 
greater care in the "Archives of the Kingdom." The whole of 
that celebrated national collection had been transported to Paris in 
the time of Napoleon ; after his downfall, and in the general resto- 
ration, those portions of the archives which purported to relate to 
the history of Prance, were, in spite of the urgent and oft-repeated 
reclamations of the Spanish Government, retained in Paris. It was 
natural, under these circumstances, that they should be watched 
with some jealousy : but the name of Mr. Prescott was a key which 
unlocked the depository ; and by the kindness of M. Miguet, who 
had himself examined them with diligence, they were fully thrown 
open to my inspection on his behalf. 

p 



106 PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

" The same result followed a similar application at Florence the 
following year. Not only were the private collections of the Mar- 
quis Gino Caponi and the Count Guicciardini (the lineal descend- 
ant of the historian) thrown upen to the use of Mr. Prescott, but, 
after tedious hesitations and delays on the part of subordinate officials, 
a peremptory order was at length issued by Prince Corsini, with the 
consent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, that I should be allowed 
to explore the Medicean archives (Archivo Mediceo), and mark for 
transcription whatever I thought would be useful for Mr. Prescott. 
When I add that this magnificent collection of eighty thousand 
volumes (since greatly augmented, as I learn from my friend Mr. 
Ticknor, by bringing together all the provincial archives of every 
part of the Grand Duchy), the examination of which was rendered 
easy by a copious index, contained the correspondence of the Tuscan 
minister at Madrid, during the entire reign of Phihp II, it will be 
readily conceived how rich were the materials for the history of that 
period. Nothing that I marked for transcription was refused. It 
was sufficient that I thought it would be useful to Mr. Prescott ; 
and among the portions of the correspondence which I was able in 
this way to procure for him, were the semi-weekly communications 
of the Tuscan minister on the arrest, imprisonment, and death of 
Don Carlos. 

"That papers so delicate, guarded with such jealousy for three 
centuries, should have been fully thrown open by a Catholic sove- 
reign to an American Protestant writer, bears witness at once to the 
liberality of the Grand Duke, and the European reputation of our 
lamented friend. 

" Nor was his fame less promptly and substantially established in 
England. CalHng one day on the venerable Mr. Thomas Grenville, 
whom I found in his library (the second in size and value of the 
private libraries of England), reading Xenophon's " Anabasis " in 
the original, I made some passing remark on the beauty of that 
work. ' Here,' said he, holding up a volume of 'Ferdinand and 
Isabella/ ' is one far superior.' With the exception of the Nestor 
of our literature (Mr. Irving), no American writer appeared to me 
so widely known or so highly esteemed in England as Mr. Prescott ; 
and, when he visited that country a few years later, the honors paid 
to him by all the cultivated classes of society, from the tlnrone down- 
ward, were such as are seldom offered to the most distinguished 
visitant." 

So long as in ages far distant, and not only in countries now 
refined and polished, but in those not yet brought into the domain 
of civilization, the remarkable epoch which he has described shall 
attract the attention of men; so long as the consolidation of the 



PRESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 107 

Spanish moiiardiy and the expulsion of the Moors, the mighty 
theme of the discovery of America, the sorrowful glories of Colum- 
bus, the mail-clad forms of Cortes and Pizarro and the other grim 
conqiiistadores, trampling new-found empires under the hoofs of 
their cavalry, shall be subjects of literary interest ; so long as the 
blood shall curdle at the cruelties of Alva, and the fierce struggles 
of the Moslem in the east — so long will the writings of our friend 
be read." 

" Finally, among the masters of historical writing, the few great 
names of ancient and modern renown in this department, our 
lamented friend and associate lias passed to a place among the most 
honored and distinguished. Whenever this branch of polite litera- 
ture shall be treated of by some future Bacon, and the names of 
those shall be repeated who have possessed in the highest degree 
that rare skill by which the traces of a great plan in the fortunes of 
mankind are explored, and the living body of a nation is dissected 
by the keen edge of truth, and guilty kings and guilty races sum- 
moned to the bar of justice, and the footsteps of God pointed out 
along the pathways of time, his name will be mentioned with the 
immortal trios of Greece and of Eome, and the few who in the 
modern languages stand out the rivals of their fame. 

" No one can speak of our dear departed friend without recollect- 
ing thte infirmity under which he laboured the greater part of his days, 
and with which Providence, in his case, applied the solemn law of 
compensation, by which the blessings of life are enjoyed, and endow- 
ments balanced by sorrows. To some it is given to ascend the 
heights of fame through the narrow and cheerless path of penury. 
Others toil patiently on beneath a load of domestic care and bereave- 
ment, the loss of the dutiful, the hopeful, and the beloved. Por 
him that dares to intrude on public life (as our friend never did), 
ferocious detraction stands ready to fly at his throat, and petty 
malice to yelp at his heels. Our friend achieved the miracle of his 
unexampled success under the privation — at times the total privation 
— of the dearest of the senses —that through which the spirit of man 
is wedded to the lovely forms of the visible universe. At intervals, 
some years before he commenced his historical labours, for him, as 
for the kindred genius by whose example he tells us lie took courage, 

" Seasons returned ; but not for him returned 
Day, or the sweet approach of even or mom, 
Or sight of vernal bloom, or summer's rose, 
Or flocks, or herds, or human face divine." 

"But he went from his darkened chamber and his couch of 
pain to his noble work, as a strong man rejoicing to i-un a race, A 



108 PEESCOTT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 

kind Providence at intervals raised the veil from his eyes, and his 
sweet resignation and heroic fortitude turned his trials into a bless- 
ing. His impaired sight gave him concentrated mental vision ; and 
so he lived his great day, illustrious without an enemy, successful 
without an envier ; wrought out his four historical epics to the admi- 
ration of the age ; and passed away at the grand climacteric, not of 
years alone, but of love and fame." 

The excellence of Mr. Prescott's productions is, in part, trans- 
parent to every reader. Compare what he has written with the 
most of what others have left on the same subjects, and Prescott's 
superiority beams upon you from the contrast. The easy flow of 
his language, and the faultless lucidity of his style, may make the 
reader forget the unremitting toil which the narrative has cost; but 
the critical inquirer sees everywhere the fruits of investigation rigidly 
and most perseveringly pursued, and an impartiality and soundness 
of judgment which give authority to every statement, and weight to 
every conclusion." 

" In the writings of Prescotfc, his individual character is never 
thrust on the attention of his readers ; but, as should ever be the 
case in a true work of art, it appears only in glimpses, or as an 
abstraction from the whole. Yet his personality is the source of the 
charm of his style, and all who knew him will say he was himself 
greater and better than his writings. While his histories prove him 
to have felt that he owed his time to the service of mankind, every- 
thing about him marked him out to be the most beloved of com- 
panions, and the life, and joy, and pride of society. 

" His personal appearance itself was singularly pleasing, and won 
for him everywhere in advance a welcome and favor. His counte- 
nance had something that brought to mind " the beautiful disdain" 
that hovers on that of the Apollo. But, while he was high-spirited, 
he was tender, and gentle, and humane. His voice was like music, 
and one could never hear enough of it. His cheerfulness reached 
and animated all about him. He could indulge in playfulness, and 
could also speak earnestly and profoundly ; but he knew not how to 
be ungracious or pedantic. In truth, the charms of his conversation 
were unequalled, he so united the rich stores of memory with the 
ease of one who is familiar with the world. 

" In liis friendships he was most faithful ; true to them always, 
true to the last ; never allowing his confidence to be so much as 
ruffled by the noisy clamours of calumny, or by rivalry, or by differ- 
ences of opinion. In the management of his affairs he was prudent 
and considerate ; in his expenditures, liberal to all about him, and 
to those in want, ever largely generous, having an open hand, but 
doing good without observation. His affections rested early and 



PRESCOIT, THE BLIND HISTORIAN. 109 

happily on the congenial object of his choice, and the rosy light of 
his youth, never dimmed by a cloud, went with him all his way 
through life. 

" Brothers of the Historical Society, I see among you those who 
knew Prescott as a friend ; we join the cultivated world in honouring 
his memory ; we mingle our tears with those of his family. Standing 
as it were by his grave, we cannot recall anything in his manner, 
his character, his endowments, or his conduct, that we could wish 
changed. If he had faults, his associates loved him too well to find 
them out. We none of us know of his writing one line that he 
could wish to blot, or uttering a word of which tlie echo need be 
suppressed. Those of us who are growing old must bear in mind 
that he has gone but a little before us ; his spirit speaks to you, 
young men, charging you to emulate him in the culture of intelli- 
gence and the practice of virtue." 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 



PHILIP THE SECOI^D* 

FIRST NOTICE. 



The reign of Philip II is one of the most interesting in that 
very eventful period, the sixteenth century. 

To the ordinary reader it will, doubtless, appear somewhat per- 
plexing, on account of the vast extent of territory over which this 
monarch presided, and the important undertakings in which he was 
engaged ; and still harder will it be to comprehend the difficulties 
which surrounded Philip, without first gaining some little insight 
into the previous history of the separate provinces over which he was 
destined to rule. Even the historian has no light task to perform 
in narrating the events of this remarkable reign, owing to the absence 
of documentary evidence, and to the conflicting statements of Catholics 
and Protestants, whose grave dissensions and persecutions disgraced 
this exciting period ; for the character of every eminent man of that 
age was delineated by his peculiar historian according to the rehgious 
opinions which he entertained ; and it has thus become a difficult 
matter to form a fair judgment on unprejudiced data. 

Again, both the chronicler and reader of the present day will be 
forcibly struck with the amount of bigotry which existed three 
hundred years ago, and could make a man exclaim, with Philip, 
" It is better not to reign at all, than govern heretics ;^ and yet that 
the whole could have been blended with deep reflection, penetration, 
and wisdom in one and the same individual. Yet of such elements 
was the character of Philip II composed. 

It must, however, be remembered that an intolerant spirit was, 
from the rehgious differences of the sixteenth century, the great 
and natural error into which men, though often possessed of great 
abilities and even great virtues, invariably fell. In Philip's case, 

* History of the Reign of Philip II, King of Spain, by WiUiaru H. Prescott. 
Vol. I and II. London : Richard Bentley, New Burlington Street. 



114 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

this spirit was still further heightened by his early education, and by 
the gloomy and superstitious nature of his character. He was thus 
led by his bigotry and intolerance to undertake the long and 
unsuccessful Dutch war, which ended so disastrously for himself 
and his subjects. 

Surrounded by many difficulties, — hemmed in by conflicting 
opinions — all references to events of Philip's reign being alone 
accessible through the medium of old Spanish archives, — perplexed by 
the partiality of by-gone historians and the exaggerated homage of 
Philip's admirers, — Mr. Prescott has, nevertheless, contrived to 
furnish us with the best epitome of the life and times of Philip II 
that we are ever likely to possess. No liistorian could have been 
found better fitted than he to undertake so difficult a task, as his 
pen had already been occupied in describing the eventful reigns of 
Perdinand and Isabella of Aragon and Castile, and the discoveries 
and conquests of Mexico and Peru by Cortes and Pizarro. The skill 
and care with which he has arranged his present work are equal, if 
uot superior, to that displayed in his past writings. His vast 
research would have done credit to any historian, however learned, 
though it is rendered more remarkable by the fact that Mr. Prescott 
is almost blind. His style is clear, plain, and forcible, possessing 
the ease and fluency without the faults of an American : whilst his 
descriptions of the manners and customs of the sixteenth century 
are so well displayed in the different festivals he has to record, as 
to give to his work rather the character of an amusing novel than the 
sober narrative of grave historical fact. 

He commences his work with an excellent recommendation, " that 
it will be necessary for the student, if he wishes to have a clue to 
this difficult reign, to bear in mind the fact that the chief feature of 
Phihp's pohcy was to uphold the supremacy of the church, and, as 
a consequence, that of the Crown." " Peace and pubhc order," as 
Philip declared, " are to be maintained in my dominions only by 
maintaining the authority of the Holy See." 

Prescott then glances at the life of the Emperor Charles V, and 
tells us that the disasters which occurred at the latter part of 
that reign threw such a gloom over the spirits of the monarch and 
so disgusted him with the world, that he was obliged to rehnquish 
the reins of government, and eventually to retire to the Monastery of 
Yuste, where he ended his days as a recluse. 

The two or three chapters which are devoted to a consideration 
of the latter days of Charles Y, coincide so fully with the able 
account so recently published by Mr. SterUng, that we cannot do 
better than recommend " The Cloister Life of Cltarles V " to our 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 115 

readers ; and we shall now glean from Mr. Prescott's work some of 
the actualities of the life and times of Puilip II, and give our 
readers a slight review of the peculiar and interesting events with 
which he was surrounded. 

PHILIP II was born at Valladolid, on the 10th of May, in 
the year 1527, the same eventful year which witnessed the sacking 
of Eome by the Spaniards under the Constable de Bourbon, and the 
imprisonment of Pope Clement VII. His mother, a Portuguese 
princess of the name of Isabella, was the true and attached wife of 
the Empsror Charles V. She dying, however, whilst Philip was but 
twelve years old, the young prince was thereby early entrusted to the 
hands of strangers. The loss of a mother in early life is often more 
severely felt than that of a father ; and in Philip's case it is likely 
that, had he not thus early been deprived of the tender cares of a 
mother, his character might have acquired much of that softness 
which the tender nature of a woman can alone give, and which would 
have gone far to have made Philip both a good as well as a great 
man ; although we are not told what were the accomphshments of this 
princess, or whether she possessed any influence in the early forma- 
tion of her son's mind. 

Philip was distiuguished even in childhood for his grave and 
reserved character, and showed none of the playfulness which is 
usually the accompaniment of early life. His education was con- 
ducted by a learned professor from the University of Salamanca, a 
man of considerable erudition, whose easy good-nature somewhat un- 
fitted him for the difficult and onerous task he had to fulfil. However, 
he fairly instructed his young pupil in the Italian and Latin lan- 
guages, and gave him a taste for the more abstruse and difficult 
study of mathematics ; and the progress which Philip is said to have 
made in this latter study would tend to prove the thoughtful bias 
of his dawning mind, and no doubt fitted him, in after years, by reflec- 
tion and calculation, to encounter graver difiiculties. 

In the year 1543, a great change took place in Philip's domestic 
relations. Charles V had for some time endeavoured to negotiate a 
marriage between his son and Margaret, the daughter of Prancis I ; 
but Philip's own inclination made him turn towards Portugal, and 
there to seek the hand of a Portuguese princess. After some little 
interval, we find him betrothed to Mary, daughter of John III, 
King of Portugal. Mary was escorted with great magnificence to 
Salamanca, where the marriage was celebrated. After which she 
took up her residence in Spain, in which country her husband had 
for some time administered the affairs of state during the absence of 
his father, Charles V. She did not, however, long survive the 



116 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

marriage, and left behind her one son, the ill-fated Don Carlos, who 
was afterwards imprisoned by order of his own father, and around 
whose death a mystery hangs which has never as yet been cleared 
away. 

At the age of 21, Philip was presented by the Emperor to his 
subjects at Brussels. The young Prince accordingly set out by way 
of Genoa, attended by a splendid retinue of knights and nobles, at 
the head of which was the famous Duke of Alva, and reached Flander?, 
through Italy and Germany. 

" After a journey of four months, the royal cavalcade drew near 
the city of Brussels. Their approach to a great town was intimated 
by the crowds who came out to welcome them, and Philip was 
greeted with a tumultuous enthusiasm, which made him feel that he 
was now indeed in the midst of his people." 

The recognition between father and son is very touchingly de- 
scribed by Mr. Prescott, who expatiates on the affection and regard 
entertained by the royal father. Philip, at this period, must have 
been possessed of many personal charms, as we hear of his captivat- 
ing the young and the fair, and calling forth the admiration of the 
knights and nobles, by his ready hand at tilt and tourney. He is 
described as of a fair and even delicate complexion ; " his hair and 
beard were of a light yellow ; his eyes were blue, with the eyebrows 
somewhat too closely knit together ; his nose was thin and aquiline. 
The principal blemish in his countenance was his thick Austrian lip. 
His lower jaw protruded even more than that of his father. In 
stature he was somewhat below the middle height, with a slight 
symmetrical figure and well-made limbs. He was attentive to his 
dress, which was rich and elegant, but without any affectation of 
ornament. His demeanour was grave, without that ceremonious 
observance which marked the old Castilian, which may be 
thought the natural expression of Philip's slow and phlegmatic 
temperament.^' 

Philip's reserved and haughty character made him unpopular 
with the Plemings, notwithstanding his good looks and his accom- 
plishments ; and their aversion lasted during his whole reign, and 
very much aggravated his arbitrary conduct towards them. 

After a sojourn of some time in the northern provinces, he 
returned to Spain, and was every where well received, being by 
education and character a thorough Spaniard. The Emperor, his 
father, had committed a similar mistake in the education of Philip 
as had been made in that of Charles V — viz. surrounding the young 
prince with men of one nation, teaching him their language and 
institutions, and neglecting to inform him on those of the rest of 
his dominions. 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 117 

Philip, soon after his return to Spain, again directed his thoughts 
to negotiations for another marriage, and sought a wife amongst 
the princesses of the royal house of Portugal. His father, the 
Emperor, however, had long been bent on obtaining for his 
darling son the hand of some more powerful princess, and therefore 
turned his views towards England, where Mary, daughter of his 
aunt, Catherine of Aragon, had just ascended the throne. This 
Queen is well known in history by the name of Bloody Queen Mary 
— a name she justly merited. We cannot, therefore, agree with our 
author in thinking that the epithet of bloody was not fully deserved, 
or that her faults were exaggerated by Protestant authors. Her 
religious zeal could have been no excuse for her cruel persecution of 
the Reformers; although she had sprung from a race of despots 
who had been alike cruel and capricious, yet they were far from 
being so terrible in their cruelties and rehgious persecutions as 
their kinswoman. 

Mary, notwithstanding her ferocity of disposition, had possessed, 
in youth, personal charms and accomplishments, and had been care- 
fully educated by her mother after the Spanish fashion. These ac- 
complishments were greatly enhanced, in the eyes of Philip, by the 
fact of her holding the extreme and rigid feelings of a Catholic. 
The Emperor Charles Y, the father of Philip, had himself been 
betrothed to her at an early age ; and he only relinquished the 
idea of obtaining her hand when his negotiations with the Por- 
tuguese Infanta, Isabella, were likely to prove successful. Having 
always looked with the greatest interest on Queen Mary, and having 
many times assisted her with his advice and counsel, he naturally 
desired a closer connexion with her person- and her country. All 
hope being now destroyed of obtaining her hand for himself, he 
commenced a negotiation on behalf of his son ; and Eenard, the 
Spanish Ambassador at the English court, was instructed to " sound 
the Queen's inclinations on the subject ; but so as not to alarm 
her. He was to dwell particularly on the advantages she would 
derive from a connexion with some powerful foreign prince, and to 
offer his master's counsel in this or any other matter in which she 
might desire it.'' 

It proved, however, no easy task to negotiate so important a 
match, as Mary had never seen Philip, and was already somewhat 
attracted by the handsome person and winning manners of her 
kinsman, the Earl of Devon. Eenard's skill in all these difficulties 
ultimately succeeded, although the marriage of Philip and Mary 
was any thing but a popular measure in England ; for when a 
rumour of it reached the ears of the Commons, they petitioned 



118 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

the Queen that she should not marry a foreigner, as that would 
bring great evils on the commonwealth; and suggested that she 
might find many amongst her own subjects worthy of the honour 
of her hand. The Queen replied in person, and told them 
" that from God she held her crown, and that to Him alone would 
she turn for counsel in a matter so important. She had not yet 
made up her mind to marry ; but since the Commons considered it 
so necessary for the weal of the kingdom, she would take it into 
consideration; — it was a matter in which no one was so much 
interested as hers^Jt?^ 

Egmonfc, one of the most distinguished of the Plemish nobles, 
was forthwith despatched to England, bearing a formal proposal from 
Philip for the hand of Mary, which was at once accepted, and the 
preliminaries of a marriage drawn up. It will be unnecessary for 
us to enter into this period of the life of Philip, further than to 
state that he visited England and espoused Mary, that the nuptials 
were solemnised at "Winchester with great magnificence, and that his 
liberality and affability considerably increased his popularity, and 
dispelled the gloomy apprehensions of the English people. This 
popularity, however, lasted but a short period, as the characters of 
the Spaniard and the English were so different that jealousy soon 
sprang up between them ; while the King augmented this dislike by 
his own personal reserve, and the difficulty which was invariably 
offered to all who desired access to his person. 

Mary now began the work of violently restoring the Roman 
Catholic religion in England ; and Cardinal Pole was sent as legate 
from the Holy See to assist her in her pious work. The Parliament 
being assembled, the Queen found httle difficulty in persuading them 
to adopt vigorous measures ; and the nation was thus cajoled back 
into the bosom of that Church which it had previously resisted and 
abandoned. This conduct on the part of many of the people caused 
great dissatisfaction, and occasioned riots and confusion throughout 
the country ; and strong measures were resorted to by the Crown to 
restore tranquillity and obedience. 

It has never been clearly ascertained what part Philip took in 
the dreadful persecutions that followed, though many writers have 
affirmed that he even urged the establishment of the Inquisition in 
England. Mr. Prescott, however, remarks that Philip wisely 
abstained from meddling in the affairs of the country at this 
period, and was appointed, in reward for his prudence, Eegeut, during 
the supposed pregnancy of the Queen. But, much as an heir to the 
throne of England was desired, both the expectations and hopes of 
the people were doomed to disappointment, notwithstanding the 



PHILIP THE SECON'D. 119 

prayers and supplications offered up by the Church and by Mary's 
warmest admirers. Disappointed of a son, and enjoying little real 
authority, Philip appears to have been so disgusted with England 
that he determined to quit the country, and to take up his residence 
in the Netherlands, where he could exercise greater power and 
obtain a larger field for the display of his administrative talent, 
untiring energy, and crafty diplomacy. 

The most amiable feature of Philip's character, during his 
residence in England, was the kindness which he evinced as 
intercessor between Mary and her sister Elizabeth, whose close con- 
fi.nement, on account of her Protestant opinions, gave rise to much 
general sympathy. It will appear strange that so Catholic a king as 
Philip should have commenced his warlike policy with a campaign 
agahist that Church for which he had so often expressed an un- 
bounded devotion. It is, however, but just to add, that it was a 
war " not of Phihp's seeking." The cause is well explained by Mr. 
Prescott, who, in describing the life of Paul IV, the then Pope, 
states that Paul needed no prompter to quarrel with Spain ; for that, 
immediately on his elevation to the Papal chair, he "soon showed 
that, instead of ecclesiastical reform, he was bent on a project much 
nearer his heart — The subversion of the Spanish potver in Naples. 
He seemed to think that the thunders of the Vatican were more 
than a match for all the strength of the Emperor and of Spain; but 
he was not weak enough to rely wholly on his spiritual artillery in 
such a contest. Through the French Ambassador, at his court, he 
opened negotiations with France, and entered into a secret treaty 
with that power, by which each of the parties agreed to furnish a 
certain contingent of men and money to carry on the war for the 
recovery of Naples." 

The expedition was entrusted to the famous Duke of Alva, then 
Viceroy of Naples, and the most competent general which S[)ain 
possessed. As he plays a great part in the life and times of Philip 
II, Mr. Prescott has given us a thorough insight into his life and 
character. Descended from a rich Castilian family, we find that he 
entered the world in the year 1508. Early in life he was deprived 
of the counsel of his father, who died in Africa, and left him to the 
care of his grandfather, under whom he witnessed his first military 
campaign. By the death of his uncle, in 1532, he became possessed 
of large family estates, and from that time fully displayed the heroic 
courage of the Castilian cavalier, combined with a degree of caution 
which often made his comrades wonder "hoto so old a head could 
he placed on such young shoulders^ His haughty temper made him 
disdain the usual means of advancement at court ; though the Em- 



120 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

peror Charles V, who thoroughly understood his character, rapidly 
promoted him to high command. 

It was proved, at the siege of Metz, that the confidence of the 
Emperor had been well placed ; for Alva ably distinguished himself 
in that action. 

Alva's iron nature, however, fitted him far better to rule over a 
country in which absolute power existed, and in which vigorous 
measures were required to carry on the government, than to admi- 
nister a state which had long been under the sway of liberal institu- 
tions, especially at a period of ordinary tranquillity ; for it was his 
uncompromising disposition which afterwards made him so unpo- 
pular in the Netherlands, 

Having collected a large body of troops, the greater portion 
of which consisted, of raw Neapolitan levies, and which were as 
much to be relied upon, and as remarkable for their bravery, as their 
countrymen of the present day, together with a small body of his 
Spanish veterans (a host in themselves), he marched with this force 
into the Papal territory, took town after town, until he nearly 
reached the gates of Rome — menacing the haughty but trembling 
Pontiff within his own capital. 

The Prench Ambassador offered to mediate between his Holi- 
ness and the Spaniards ; but Paul would hear of nothing like 
mediation, threatening to cut oft' the head of any one who should 
talk to him of such a measure. The Pope did not, however, 
confine himself to angry words ; but busied his people in active 
preparations for the coming struggle, fortified the city, and made 
considerable levies of Eoman troops. These Papal forces, though 
of good appearance on parade, were found to be a poor match 
for the Spanish veterans ; and Paul was consequently obliged 
to have recourse to the German mercenaries at that period in his 
pay, most of whom, being Protestants, did not greatly respect either 
his Holiness or his religion, though it would not have done for 
Paul to have been over scrupulous as to his means of defence in 
such dangerous times. 

Several well-fought and bloody actions took place between the 
Papal and Spanish troops. The Pope did not entirely rely upon 
his own army ; but pressed Henry of Prance to hasten the depar- 
ture of the French army for Italy, at the head of which the Duke 
of Guise had been appointed. Guise was one of the ablest of 
Prench commanders, and had successfully contended with Alva at 
the seige of Metz. He marched over the Alps into Italy ; but did 
not win many laurels in that country, as an accommodation was soon 
after brought about between Paul and Philip II, much to the 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 121 

gratification of the latter, who liad all aloii^ suffered qualms of 
conscience in thus being opposed to the Holy See. 

The presence of the Duke of Guise being required in his own 
country, he was forthwith recalled ; as the Duke of Savoy, Philip's 
general, and one of the ablest leaders of that age, had, after making 
a feint on Champaigne, invaded Picardy, and met the rash but brave 
Constable, Montmorency, at St. Quentiu, on the 11th of August, 
1557. The action was commenced by a charge of light cavaliy 
under Egmont, whose dashing courage fitted him rather to execute 
the orders of a chief than to undertake the responsibilities of a 
separate command. The Schwarzreiters, or German mercenaries, 
soon yielded; but the French infantry most gallantly held their 
ground. The Duke of Savoy, however, coming up with the whole 
of the Spanish army, the Prench were at length overcome by superior 
numbers, after a hard-fought battle of ten hours, and Montmorency, 
together with several officers of note, taken prisoners. 

Philip, in order to commemorate this battle, which was gained 
by the Spaniards on the fete of St. Lawrence, built the famous 
Palace of the Escorial, which he constructed in the shape of the 
Gridiron on which St. Lawrence had suffered martyrdom. Philip, 
according to Mr. Prescott, is stated to have shown a taste for archi- 
tecture in the construction of this dull and heavy pile ; and our 
author likewise remarks, in an earlier part of his work, that Philip 
possessed *' enough of architectural knowledge for a king." We 
think that, when Mr. Prescott ventured on this observation, he did 
jiot sufficiently reflect how much the character and even the tastes 
of the princes and courts of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in- 
fluenced those of the people. A great or an elegant prince often 
imparted his lustre or his refinement to his subjects; and although 
we do not mean to assert that a thorough knowledge of architecture 
was indispensably necessary to a monarch of that period, yet the 
encouragement of it would have tended to the advancement and 
refinement of his subjects. No more princely taste could have been 
indulged in by Philip, as it would have surrounded the throne with 
that magnificence and splendour which give it respect in the eyes of 
the vulgar, and his name could not have been better immortalized 
than by erecting some elegant monument of architectural taste and 
perfection. This end is certainly not attained in the Escorial. 

Philip now endeavoured to drag England into the continental 
war, and his efforts for a time proved successful ; as Mary whose 
best quality was the warm attachment which she entertained towards 
her husband, and the great anxiety for the success of all his under- 
takings, sent as many as eight thousand men, under the Earl of 
Pembroke, to join Philip's army. This proved an important acces- 

R 



122 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

sion, though the English troops soon became so discontented at 
fighting, as they said/ the battles of the Spaniards instead of their 
own, that it was soon found necessary to allow them to return home 
again. 

Another brilliant victory soon after gained over the French by 
the Count Egmont, at a place called Gravelines, so enraged the 
Duke of Guise, that he swore, at the risk of his life, to wipe away 
these stains from the French arms, and to attempt the capture of 
Calais, the only remaining possession held at that time by the 
EngHsh on the soil of France, and which had been retained by them 
ever since the reign of Edward III. The long tenure of Calais by 
the Enghsh had made them neglectful of the proper defences of the 
fortress ; they, notwithstanding the constant and urgent representa- 
tions of Philip, considered its position impregnable. The Duke of 
Guise, in consequence, easily made himself master of the place, and 
thus terminated the campaign by a brilliant achievement. 

Phihp and Henry of France, whose finances were in any thing 
but a flourishing condition, were mutually anxious for peace, being 
aware that neither had any great end to gain by a continu- 
ation of the war. The hot-headed Constable de Montmorency, 
who was by this time tired of his long imprisonment, opened 
negotiations on the part of his master, which were afterwards con- 
tinued by more able agents, at Cateau Camhresk, where the Duke of 
Alva, the Prince of Orange, and Cardinal Granvelle, on the part of 
Philip, ably distinguished themselves. The whole of the dominions 
of the Duke of Savoy which had been conquered during the war 
were restored, and Philip's aJhes regained what they had lost in the 
contest. 

Fortune was somewhat a harder goddess to Henry, who did not 
come off better in negotiation than he had done in war, the claims of 
his allies being neglected, and he himself only compensated for the 
expense and defeats of war by the cession of Calais. 

Philip, we are told, found great difficulty in persuading the 
English envoy to relinquish Calais ; and, in the midst of negotiations 
on this point, Mary, Queen of England, died. It was at length 
settled that Calais should be yielded up to the French, be retained by 
them for the period of five years, and that it should then either be 
restored to the English, or else that the conquerors should pay the 
sum of five thousand crowns in gold as a compensation. 

Although the Emperor Charles V had abdicated the imperial 
throne of Germany soon after that of Spain and the Low Countries, 
he was still considered Emperor, as Philip little desired that a new 
Emperor should he crowned during the disturbed state in which 
Europe then existed. Charles Y had in vain endeavoured to induce the 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 123 

electors to appoint his son Philip^ King of tlie Romans ; and, with 
as little success, attempted to persuade his brother Ferdinand to 
relinquish that dignity in favour of his nephew. PhiUp's character 
was still less suited to the Germans than to the Flemings, as it is 
probable that, had he been crowned Emperor of Germany, he would 
have annulled the concessions to the Protestants made by his father 
at the treaty of Passau, in 1550, and have endeavoured to reduce 
the princes of the Empire to the same condition as the nobles in the 
other countries of Europe, and have thus hastened the disasters of 
the thirty years^ war a century earlier than they actually occurred. 
However, since the advantageous peace of Cateau Cambresis had 
been signed, there was nothing to hinder the coronation of the 
Emperor from taking place; and Ferdinand, the uncle of Philip, 
duly received the insignia of the Empire, and was crowned with 
great splendour. 

An entirely new set of actors now took possession of the stage. 
The haughty Pontiff, Paul IV, no longer lived, having passed away 
without the regret of his subjects ; though history looks somewhat 
lightly on his faults, and admires the courage he displayed in 
attempting to carrv out the policy of Julius II, by driving the 
barbarians from Italy. His ally, Henry II of France, whose brilhant 
qualities rather gave him popularity amongst his subjects than fame 
amongst his contemporaries, had been killed at a tournament, in 
the yeary 1559; and, in England, the Bloody Queen Mary had been 
succeeded by her sister Elizabeth, one of the wisest princesses whom 
that or any other age had produced. 

Philip, as is well known, no sooner heard of Elizabeth's acces- 
sion, than he at once made proposals of marriage to his deceased 
wife's sister ; and was not at first rejected, though his advances were 
but coldly received. It was not, however, until he made it a 
sine c[ua non that the Queen should adopt the Eoman Catholic 
rehgion in the event of becoming his wife, that she decidedly refused 
his advances; from which period, Elizabeth became the staunch 
upholder of the Protestant religion, and consequently the bitterest 
enemy of the Catholic Philip. Philip remained in the Netherlands 
for some time after the peace was proclaimed, and occupied himself 
in the affairs of that country, where the Protestant religion was 
making great progress. 

Mr. Prescott has thought proper to give us some account of tlie 
early history and government of the Low Countries, in which he has 
shown great research ; for, although the general reader might have 
been perfectly aware that the towns of Liege, Ghent, Bruges, 
Antwerp, and Amsterdam, were the great marts for the exchange of 
goods from the Hanse towns and the North, for those of the Re- 



124; PHILIP THE SECOND. 

publics of Venice and Genoa, India and the Levant ; yet, until his 
history appeared, there was no book which gave a clear account of 
their early governraent and languages. 

Mr. Hume had cursorily informed us, in his History of England, 
that our Edward III joined the courts of Heinault and Brabant, and 
aided the people of Elanders in their revolt against their Count and 
liege lord, Phih'p YI ; and also states, in the earher portion of his 
work, that two of the Flemish counts were celebrated in the wars of 
the Crusades. It was not, however, the object of Mr. Hume to 
enter very fully into an account of the I'lemish government ; though 
the readers of his History may gain from his brief notice of their 
doings that the Flemings were early distinguished for their free and 
independent spirit. 

Sir W. Scott has also, in his amusing novel of Quentin Durward, 
ably described the courts and policy of Louis XI of France, and 
Charles the Bold of Burgundy, and has furnished us with many 
interesting particulars of Flemish manners and customs. He enters 
into a very full description of the contests which took place between 
the good Burghers of Liege and their Bishop ; but as his work is a 
novel and not a history, he could not well afford to give any previous 
account of the country. 

Bentivoglio, a contemporary historian, who lived about the time 
of the Dutch war, and wrote his famous history of that very cele- 
brated contest, although he enters very fully into the motives which 
led to its commencement, and gives almost word for word the 
speeches of the Prince of Eboli and the Duke of Alva, at the 
council board, when their opinions were demanded upon the measures 
about to be taken against the Protestants in Holland, yet does not 
give us any very clear idea of what either the previous Flemish 
government had been, or what it was at the time when this famous 
struggle began. It was reserved, therefore, for Mr. Prescott, with 
his clear judgment, untiring industry, and amusing style, to give us 
an early sketch of these important provinces of the Spanish monarchy. 
It would appear, from his account, that they were not originally 
united together, but that each followed its own mode of constitu- 
tion ; though all seem to have had a legislative body, some more 
liberally formed than others. They also differed in language, as the 
inhabitants of those states which bordered on France spoke French 
as their native language; whilst those who were in the vicinity of 
Germany used a kind of bad German, which is now known by the 
name of Dutch. The affairs of the whole community were admi- 
nistered by the States General, which were composed of the 
nobles, the clergy, and deputies from different states or towns. 
Their powers seem to have been much the same as the Parliament in 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 125 

England ; as they could pass laws, levy taxes, and petition the 
sovereign against abuses. The sovereign nevertheless held in his 
liands the appointment of officers and the conferring of all dignities ; 
and was thus enabled, towards the sixteenth century, to acquire a 
very large share of power. The towne were, however, very much 
left to their own government ; and, as Mr. Prescott well remarks, 
" they greatly remind us of the early Italian republics." 

The Flemings do not seem to have been much engaged in w^r 
with their neighbours, as they were more profitably employed in 
commerce ; and the common people were remarkable for a freedom 
of spirit and a degree of information rarely to be met with in the 
some class amongst the other nations of Europe at that period. 
The vast territories of the Emperor Charles V, coupled with the 
fact that he himself was a Fleming, gave great extension to their 
trade in all parts of the world. This sagacious prince could 
not but be aware that his own power would increase in the 
same ratio as the prosperity of his subjects, and he therefore gave 
all due encouragement to their commerce and enterprise; and under 
his sway the Flemish increased both in wealth and prosperity. It 
was not to be wondered at that, with their foreign trade, their in- 
dependent spirit, and their proximity to Germany, where the Reform- 
ation first took its rise, that the Lutheran doctrines should have 
made great progress ; and it was still less to be expected that 
a prince like Charles V, who connected tl^e idea of Protestantism 
wnth civil liberty, and who had used his most strenuous efforts 
to put down the Lutheran princes in Germany, would sit calmly by 
and see the reformed faith taking deep root without making an 
attempt to stem its torrent. We, accordingly, find that he pro- 
mulgated several edicts against those who held the new doctrines, 
and even attempted to establish the Inquisition in the Netherlands, 
although such a proceeding was in direct violation of the con- 
stitution. As many as fifty thousand persons are said to have 
suffered in the Netherlands for their religious opinions ; but we 
quite agree with Mr. Prescott in thinking it unlikely that such 
a number could have been sacrificed for their creed, as it would 
have occasioned a similar resistance to Charles's authority as was 
afterwards encountered by his son. Notwithstanding this religious 
oppression, and tiie numerous efforts Charles was obliged to make 
to curb the turbulent spirit of his Flemish subjects, he nevertheless 
was proad of them, and governed them with comparative leniency ; 
whilst they, in return, loved, admired, and respected their great 
monarch, being willing to bear the burdens of the wars in which 
they took but little part, and from which they could derive but 
scanty advantage. Many of their leaders, however, in the subsequent 



126 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

struggle witli Spain^ had learned their first lessons in war and politics 
under Charles V ; while, with his son, the case was far otherwise. 
Philip was a foreigner, and having been brought up a Spaniard, 
he, no doubt, looked with contempt on the Flemings, and would 
have attempted to reduce them to greater subjection, even in 
their civil governments, had they been all staunch Catholics ; but 
he was still a more uncompromising supporter of the Catholic 
Church than his father had been; and never allowed reasons of 
policy to stand between him and his darling object of rendering 
the E-oman Catholic faith the one universal religion of his 
dominions. 



SECOND NOTICE. 



When such high authorities as the Times, the Edinburgh, and 
the Saturday Review, have admitted that Prescott/s Philip II displays 
deep research, great clearness in arrangement, and perspicuity of 
style, we fear that there is little left for us to say. As we cannot, 
however, agree in all the views propounded by these journals, tJiough 
we must fully concur in considering Mr. Prescott's History one of 
the most important productions of the age, as well as a valuable 
addition to the annals of the most interesting periods of bygone 
time, which, until very recently, was shrouded in mystery and un- 
certainty, we are bound to express our own opinions on the subject. 

The retaining the services of a large body of Spanish troops in 
tlie Low Countries during a period of profound peace, on the pretext 
that the treaty of Cateau Cambresis had not been fully ratified; 
their oppression and tyranny towards the unfortunate inhabitants, in 
order to indemnify themselves for their arrears of pay ; and the 
adoption of several beneficial, but unpopular, ecclesiastical reforms, 
which were rather looked upon as a veil to hide Philip's evil inten- 
tions of restoring the Inquisition in its full rigour ; made the Plemish 
people most discontented and loud in their call for the assembling 
of the States General. Tliis deliberative assembly was at length 
convoked, though the turbulent and refractory spirit of its members 
obliged the King to re-dissolve it almost as soon as it had assembled ; 
and this unfortunate circumstance probably had the effect of driving 
him from the Low Countries, which he soon abandoned, never to 
return. 

Margaret, Duchess of Parma, his natural sister, was forthwith 
appointed Eegent in Flanders, and Philip withdrew from his im- 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 127 

portant northern possessions, and with great pomp embarked at 
Ostend for his beloved Spain, in the presence of the Prince of 
Orange and several other Tlemish nobles, who afterwai-ds played so 
important a part in the contest for the independence of their country. 
Philip, encountering the most tempestuous weather in his passage 
across the Bay, only succeeded in saving liis own life, and that of his 
crew, by landing at Laredo, on the coast of Spain, where the vessel, 
with its valuable freight of furniture, was all but stranded. Nine of 
his fleet foundered, and all the furniture, gems, pieces of scul])ture, 
and paintings, " the ricli productions of Flemish and Italian art, 
which his father the Emperor had been employed many years of hig 
life in collecting," went to the bottom; and Philip had thus, as 
Mr. Prescott remarks, " sacked the land only to feed the ocean.'' 

On arriving in Spain, Philip despatched a messenger to his sister 
Joanna, who had been left as Eegent at Valladolid during the King's 
absence in Plauders, and at once repaired to the capital, where he 
was gladly received by the Infanta, and joyfully grasped the reins of 
liis favourite government. 

The royal return was celebrated by one of those cruel religious 
festivals, an " auto defe" the terrors of which have been most pain- 
fully and graphically described by Mr. Prescott with all the glowing 
])owers of his able pen. The reformed faith, in spite of severe 
Catholic persecution, had made considerable progress in Spain, 
owing, in some measure, to the fact of the troops, who had been 
employed in the German wars, and who had fought side by side with 
Protestant Flemings, havhig imbibed and brought back into Spain 
the religious doctrines of their Protestant comrades ; and partly to 
the close intercourse and reciprocal trade which was continually being 
carried on between the northern provinces of Spain and the south 
of France, and which enabled the reformers easily to dispatch mis- 
sionaries, make converts, and smuggle over the frontier books and 
religious tracts for the dissemination of the reformed faith. The 
Protestants carried on their plans with so much secrecy and caution 
that the first intimation which the Spanish inquisitors received of 
the spread of the new heresy was from their brethren abroad; 
and it was not until some of the prohibited books had been seized, 
that the Holy Office or the government were aware even of the exist- 
ence of Protestantism in Spain. It was then discovered that the new 
doctrine had made advances little short of miraculous ; aad the 
government, and particularly Philip, set to work most resolutely to 
crush the power of the reformed sect, and to devise most vigorous 
measures against all classes of dissenters from the Church of Home. 
The Protestants, among whom were many persons of rank and emi- 
nence, both among the clergy and laity, were seized and imprisoned 



128 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

in considerable numbers ; and, amidst the joyous shouts of the 
Catholic multitudes of the Spanish towns, the roar of artillery, and 
the denunciations of bishops and priests, were committed by thafc 
unjust and relentless tribunal, the Inquisition, to the tortures and 
the sad and cruel death of the fiery stake. Philip himself is said to 
have been so determined to put down Protestantism, that he ex- 
claimed, to one of the most eminent and unfortunate of the victims : 
" If it were my own son, 1 would bring the wood to burn him, if he 
were such a wretch as thou art." As Mr. Prescott well remarks, 
these severe measures had the effect of thoroughly curbing the in- 
dependent spirit of the brave and chivalrous Spanish people, both in 
civil and religious matters, and of fixing their minds so strongly 
upon the traditions and manners of the past, as not only to prevent 
their making any advance in constitutional or religious liberty, but 
to cause the decline of their literature and civilization. It is 
singular that a people who, as Mr. Hallum informs us, were one of 
the first nations in Europe to obtain a charter of civil rights, should 
also be the first to lose their freedom. We may here observe that 
even France, not unfrequently quoted as a land of liberty and free- 
dom, has been deprived of her real liberty chiefly from having 
fallen into the opposite extreme of abolishing all her ancient institu- 
tions, and replacing them by modern innovations. England and 
America, on the other hand, owe their present constitution, their 
superiority over the rest of the world in literature, science, trade, 
and manufactures, to having blended the traditions of the past with 
their schemes of modern reform and improvement. We cannot do 
better, in concluding this portion of our subject, than give our 
readers an extract from the pages of Mr. Prescott's work, in which 
he most painfully describes tiie horrors of the inquisition and the 
sufferings of its victims. 

"The auto defe — 'act of faith' — was the most imposing, as it was the most 
awful, of the solemnities aiithorized by the Roman Catholic Church. It was in- 
tended, somewhat profanely, as has been intimated, to combine the pomp of tlie 
Roman triumph with the terrors of the day of judgment. It may remind one 
quite as much of those bloody festivals prepared for the entertainment of the 
Caesars in the Collisseum. The religious import of the auto defe was intimated by 
the circumstance of its being celebrated on a Sunday, or some other holiday of the 
Church. An indulgence for forty days was granted by his holiness to all who 
should be present at the spectacle ; as if the appetite for witnessing the scenes of 
human siiffering required to be stimulated by a bounty ; that too in Spain, where 
the amusements were, and still are, of the most sanguinary character. 

"The scene for tliis second auto defe at Valladolid was the great square in 
front of the church of St. Francis. At one end a platform was raised, covered 
with rich carpeting, on which were ranged the seats of the inquisitors, emblazoned 
with the arms of the Holy Office. Near to this was the royal gallery, a private 
entrance to which secured the inmates from molestation by the crowd. Opposite 
to this gallery a large gallery was erected, so as to be visible from all parts of the 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 129 

arena, and was appropriated to the unhappy martyrs who were to suffer in 
the auto. 

" At six in the morning all the bells in the capital began to toll, and a solemn 
procession was seen to move from the dismal fortress of the Inquisition. In the 
van marched a body of troops, to secure a free passage for the procession. Then 
came the condemned, each attended by two familiars of the Holy Office, and those 
who were to suffer at the stake by two friars, in addition, exhorting the heretic to 
abjure his errors. Those admitted to penitence wore a sable dress ; while the un- 
fortunate martyr was enveloped in a loose sack of yellow cloth, — the san benito, — 
with his head surmounted by a cap of pasteboard of a conical form, which, together 
with the cloak, was embroidered with figures of flames and of devils fanning and 
feeding them ; all emblematical of the destiny of the heretic's soul in the world to 
come, as well as of his body in the present. Then came the magistrates of the city, 
the judges of the courts, the ecclesiastical orders, and the nobles of the land, on 
horseback. These were followed by the members of the dread tribunal, and the 
fiscal, bearing a standard of crimson damask, on one side of which were displayed 
the arms of the Inquisition, and on the other the insignia of its founders, Sixtus 
the Fifth and Ferdinand the Catholic. Next came a numerous train of familiars, 
well mounted, among whom were many of the gentry of the province, proud to act 
as the body-guard of the Holy Office. The rear was brought up by an immense 
concourse of the common people, stimulated on the present occasion, no doubt, by 
the loyal desire to see their new sovereign, as well as by the ambition to share in 
the triumphs of the auto defe. The numbers thus drawn together from the capital 
and the country, far exceeding what was usual on such occasions, is estimated by 
one present at full two hundred thousand. 

" As the multitude defiled into the square, the inquisitors took their place on 
the seats prepared for their reception. The condemned were conducted to the 
scaflFold, and the royal station was occupied by Philip, with the different members 
of his household. At his side sat his sister, the late regent, his son Don Carlos, his 
nephew Alexander Farnese, several foreign ambassadors, and the principal grandees 
and higher ecclesiastics in attendance on the court. It was an august assembly of the 
greatest and the proudest in the land. But the most indifferent spectator, who had 
a spark of humanity in his bosom, might have turned with feelings of admiration 
from this array of worldly power, to the poor martyr, who, with no support but 
what he drew from within, was prepared to defy this power, and to lay down hia 
life in vindication of the rights of conscience. Some there tnay have been, in that 
large concourse, who shared in these sentiments. But their number was small 
indeed in comparison with those who looked on the wretched victim as the enemy 
of God, and his approaching sacrifice as the most glorious triumph of the Cross. 

" The ceremonies began with a sermon, — ' the sermon of tlie faith,' by the 
Bishop of Zamora. The subject of it may well be guessed, from the occasion. 
It was no doubt plentifully larded with texts of Scripture, and, unless the preacher 
departed from the fashion of the time, with passages from the heathen writers, 
however much out of place they may seem in an orthodox discourse. 

" When the bishop had concluded, the grand-inquisitor administered an oath to 
the assembled multitude, who on their knees solemnly swore to defend the In- 
quisition, to maintain the purity of the faith, and to inform against any one who 
should swerve from it. As Philip repeated an oath of similar import, he suited 
the action to the word, and, rising from his seat, drew his sword from its scabbard, 
as if to announce himself the determined champion of the Holy Office. In the 
earlier autos of the Moorish and Jewish infidels, so humiliating an oath had never 
been exacted from the sovereign. 

" After this, the secretary of the tribunal read aloud an instrument reciting the 
grounds for the conviction of the prisoners, and the respective sentences pronounced 
against them. Those who were to be admitted to penitence, each, as Lis sentence 
•was proclaimed, knelt down, and, with his hands on the missal, solemnly abjured 
his errors, and was absolved by the grand-inquisitor. The absolution, however, 
was not so entire as to relieve the offender from the penalty of his transgressions 
in this world. Some were doomed to perpetual imprisonment in the cells of the 

S 



130 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

Inquisition, others to lighter penances. All were doomed to the confiscation of 
their property — a point of too great moment to the welfare of the tribimal ever 
to be omitted. Besides this, in many cases the offender, and, by a glaring per- 
version of justice, his immediate descendants, were rendered for ever ineligible to 
public oflace of any kind, and their names branded with perpetual infamy. Thus 
blighted in fortune and in character, they were said, in the soft language of the 
Inquisition, to be reconciled. 

" As these unfortunate persons were remanded, under a strong guard, to their 
prisons, all eyes were turned on the little company of martyrs, who, clothed in the 
ignominious garb of the san benito, stood waiting the sentence of their judges — 
with cords round their necks, and in their hands a cross, or sometimes an inverted 
torch, typical of their own speedy dissolution. The interest of the spectators was 
still further excited, in the present instance, by the fact that several of these 
victims were not only illustrious for their rank, but yet more so for their talents 
and virtues. In their haggard looks, their emaciated forms, and too often, alas ! 
their distorted limbs, it was easy to read the story of their suflFerings in their long 
imprisonment, for some of them had been confined in the dark cells of the Inqui- 
eition much more than a year. Yet their countenances, though haggard, far from 
showing any sign of weakness or fear, were lighted up with the glow of holy 
enthusiasm, as of men prepared to seal their testimony with their blood. 

When that part of the process showing the grounds of their conviction had 
been read, the grand inquisitor consigned them to the hands of the corrcgidor of 
the city, beseeching him to deal with the prisoners in all kindness and mercy ; a 
honeyed, but most hypocritical phrase, since no choice was left to the civil magis- 
trate but to execute the terrible sentence of the law against heretics, the 
preparations for which had been made by him a week before. 

" The whole number of convicts amounted to thirty, of whom sixteen were 
reconciled, and the remainder relaxed to the secular arm — in other words, turned 
over to the civil magistrate for execution. There were few of those thus con- 
demned who, when brought to the stake, did not so far shrink from the dreadful 
doom that awaited them as to consent to purchase a commutation of it by con- 
fession before they died ; in which case, they were strangled by the garrote before 
their bodies were thrown into the flames. 

" Of the present number there were only two whose constancy triumphed to 
the last over the dread of suffering, and who refused to purchase any mitigation 
of it by a compromise with conscience. The names of these martyrs should be 
engraven on the record of history. 

" One of them was Don Carlos de Scsso, a noble Florentine, who had stood 
high in the favour of Charles the Fifth. Being united with a lady of rank in 
Castile, he removed to that country, and took up his residence in Valladolid. He 
had become a convert to the Lutheran doctrines, which he first communicated to 
his own family, and afterwards showed equal zeal in propagating among the 
people of Valladolid and its neighbourhood. In short, thei-e was no man to 
whose untiring and intrepid labours the cause of the Reformed religion in Spain 
was more indebted. He was, of course, a conspicuous mark for the Inquisition, 

" During the fifteen months in which he lay in its gloomy cells, cut off from 
human sympathy and sxipport, his constancy remained unshaken. The night 
preceding his execution, when his sentence had been announced to him, De Se^sa 
called for writing materials. It was thought he designed to propitiate his judges 
by a full confession of his errors. But the confession he made was of another 
kind. He insisted on the errors of the Romish Church, and avowed his unshaken 
trust in the great truths of the Reformation. The document, covering two sheets 
of paper, is pronounced by the secretary of the Inquisition to be a composition 
equally remarkable for its energy and precision. When led before the royal 
gallery, on his way to the place of execution, De Sesso pathetically exclaimed to 
Philip, " Is it thus that you allow your innocent subjects to be persecuted ?" To 
which the king made the memorable reply : " If it were my own son, I would 
fetch the wood to burn him, were he such a wretch as thou art !" It was cer- 
tainly a characteristic answer. 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 131 

" At the stake De Sesso showed the same unshaken constancy, bearing his 
testimony to the truth of the great cause for which he gave up his life. As the 
flames crept slowly around him, he called on the soldiers to heap up the fagots, 
that his agonies might be sooner ended ; and his executioners, indignant at the 
obstinacy — the heroism — of the martyr, were not alow in obeying his commands. 

" The companion and fellow-sufferer of De Sesso was Domingo de Roxas, son of 
the Marquis de Poza, an unhappy noble, who had seen five of his family, 
including his eldest son, condemned to various humiliating penances by the 
inquisition for their heretical opinions. This one was now to suffer death. 
De Roxas was a Dominican monk. It is singular that this order, from which 
the ministers of the Holy Office were particularly taken, furnished many pro- 
selytes to the Reformed religion. De Roxas, as was the usage with ecclesiastics, 
was allowed to retain his sacerdotal habit until his sentence had been read, whea 
he was degraded from his ecclesiastical rank, his vestments were stripped off one 
after another, and the hideous dress of the san beniio thrown over him, amid the 
shouts and derision of the populace. Thus apparelled, he made an attempt to 
address the spectators around the scaffold ; but no sooner did he begin to raise 
his voice against the errors and cruelties of Rome, than Philip indignantly com- 
manded him to be gagged. The gag was a piece of cleft wood, which, forcibly 
compressing the tongue, had the additional advantage of causing great pain, 
while it silenced the offender. Even when he was bound to the stake, the gag, 
though contrary to custom, was suffered to remain in the mouth of De Roxas, as 
if his enemies dreaded the effects of an eloquence that triumphed over the anguish 
of death. 

"The place of execution — the quemadero, the burning-place, as it was called — 
was a spot selected for the purpose without the walls of the city. Those who 
attended an auta defd were not therefore necessarily, as is commonly imagined, 
spectators of the tragic scene that concluded it. The great body of the people, 
and many of higher rank, no doubt followed to the place of execution. On this 
occasion, there is reason to think, from the language — somewhat equivocal, it is 
true — of Philip's biographer, that the monarch chose to testify his devotion to 
the Inquisition by witnessing in person the appalling close of the drama ; while 
his guards mingled with the menials of the Holy Office, and heaped up the fagota 
round their victims. 

" Such was the cruel exhibition which, under the garb of a religious festival, 
was thought the most fitting ceremonial for welcoming the Catholic monarch to 
his dominions ! During the whole time of its duration in the public square, from 
six in the morning till two in the afternoon, no symptom of impatience was ex- 
hibited by the spectators, and, as may well be believed, no sign of sympathy for 
the sufferers. It would be difficult to devise a better school for perverting the 
moral sense, and deadening the sensibilities of a nation. 

IVom the gloomy picture of Spanish decay, and the annals of 
religious cruelty and civil oppression, Mr. Prescott turns to the 
bright and more attractive details of the marriage of Philip with 
Ehzabeth de Valois, daughter of the King of Prance, or, as she is 
better known in Spanish history, as Isabella. Originally betrothed 
to Don Carlos, she had been transferred to Philip as a compensation 
for his ill-success with Elizabeth of England, and formed one of the 
stipulations included in the treaty of Cateau Cambresis. The 
nuptials were celebrated with great pomj) at Paris, the illustrious 
Alva officiating as proxy for his royal master. On the entrance of 
the queen into Spain, she was received, at Toledo, by the Duke 
of Medina Sidonia, who, by his wealth, was able to display in 



133 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

private life the gorgeous magnificence of the old feudal barons of 
the middle ages. Arrived at the Spanish Court, Isabella was 
received by Philip with all the warmth and kindness which his 
morose and gloomy nature would admit of; being perhaps tiie only 
one of his four wives for whom he experienced a true attachment. 
Being only seventeen at the period of her marriage, she was indeed 
young to enter a court so filled with intrigues and so completely 
under the rule of priests and fanatics. Moreover, she is described 
as gay and lively, possessing pleasing manners and a somewhat 
handsome countenance. These qualities gained for her popularity 
with strangers and sympathy amongst her subjects, in whose pre- 
judices and mode of living she easily and gracefully participated, 
although they were vastly different from the gay associations of her 
youth. 

On hearing the news of this marriage, the Queen of England is 
said to have put on a well-feigned surprise and indignation, and, 
turning to the Spanish Ambassador, who announced to Her Majesty 
the news of Philip's engagement, remarked, with anger, " So ^otir 
master was so impatient that he has been unalle to wait longer than 
four months ere he proposed to another wom.an." 

The alliance with Isabella greatly strengthened the Catholic 
influence in Prance, which Philip was often called upon to aid with 
men and money, — his ablest generals being frequently inter- 
rupted in the midst of their most important operations in the Low 
Countries, to march to the assistance of the unsuccessful French 
Catholics. 

Some time after the marriage of Isabella, Philip desired that 
she should visit her mother, the famous Catherine de Medicis, at 
Bayonne, and took the opportunity which that occasion afforded of 
negotiating with Catherine, through the Duke of Alva, the prelimi- 
naries of that terrible and vindictive blow at the Protestant faith, 
the massacre of the Huguenots on the feast of St. Bartholomew. 
The King of Spain found a most willing minister in the unscrupu- 
lous Alva, who carried on these dark and sinister intrigues with all 
the keen relish of a bigoted and infuriated Catholic, and at the same 
time kept a firm and undying watch on the movements of his Queen 
and mistress. 

We must now turn our attention from the Court of Philip II 
to the affairs of the Low Countries. 

It will be remembered that, on the departure of the King, the 
reins of government had been placed in the hands of the Princess 
Margaret — a most judicious election, as she possessed much of the 
spirit of her father, combined with love of intrigue, ambition, and 
knowledge of the world. Her natural prudence inclined her to 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 133 

pursue a somewhat less vigorous policy than Philip had devised, as 
she foresaw that it would require the utmost caution, as well as 
firmness, to execute those orders of the King which were so repug- 
nant to the free and independent spirit of the Flemish people. She 
therefore merely urged on Philip the expediency of conciliation, and 
the fulfilment of his solemn promise and engagement, by a speedy 
return to his northern possessions, by the convocation of the States 
General, and by a ready acquiescence in the just demands of his 
faithful Plemings. She constantly advised the King to listen to her 
councils ; but Phihp preferred remaining at home, and leaving the 
Eegent to grapple with her dijficulties as best she could ; thus lioping 
that the morrow might develop more favourable circumstances, and 
choosing rather to learn how affairs were going on in the Nether- 
lands from the report of his ministers, than by personal inspec- 
tion, or boldly facing his enemies at the head of his own brave 
Spanish troops, as his father would have done. This procrastination 
was the cause of Philip's ruin in the Netherlands, as well as in iiis 
more general policy at home, though it seems almost irreconcileable 
with the other great qualities of his character. 

Amongst those whose opposition the Eegent had most to contend 
with in the Low Countries, was A¥illiam, Prince of Orange; and as 
his great abilities and high position fitted him more than any other 
man to lead his country in its struggle for liberty, and as he played 
a most distinguished part in that contest, it will be as well to notice 
the account which Mr. Prescott has drawn of his early career. He 
was descended from the illustrious house of Nassau, which had already 
furnished successors to the imperial throne of Germany, and which, 
besides possessing a duchy, held large territories in the Low Coun- 
tries, together with the title of the Princes of Orange. William, 
surnamed the Silent, was born in the year 1533; and although his 
parents were both Lutherans, the Emperor Charles Y was unwilling 
that so powerful a subject should be brought up in the teaching of 
the Protestant faith. William was therefore, at the early age of 
eleven, attached to the household of Mary, Queen of Hungary, sister 
to the Emperor Charles V, where he was brought up in the tenets of 
the church of Eome ; and it is rather remarkable that the care of 
his education should have been entrusted to a younger brother of 
Cardinal Granvelle, to whom he was destined, in after life, to be so 
violently opposed. At the age of fifteen, he was removed to the 
service of the Emperor, in the capacity of page. The sagacious 
monarch soon discovered many eminent qualities in his young pro- 
teg6, and so highly appreciated them, as to entrust him, at the early 
age of twenty-two, with the command of the troops engaged at the 
siege of Marienburg; which enterprise did not, however, call forth 



134. PHILIP THE SECOND. 

the display of any great military talents ; as but little actual fighting 
took place. The army, however, was in great want of food and 
clothing, and it required the greatest prudence to bring this siege to 
any thing like an honourable termination. This quality, however, 
was shown in a high degree by the young Prince of Orange ; and 
he there so pleased his master as to be afterwards entrusted with 
several important missions, and recommended to Philip as a com- 
missioner to negotiate the treaty of Gateau Cambresis. The similar 
reserve in William and Philip's character at last rendered them 
mutually disagreeable to each other, without the assistance of any 
extraneous circumstance. 

WilKam early married Ann of Egmont, to whom he was appa- 
rently much attached. As Mr. Prescott remarks, their union was 
happy, though short, being soon dissolved by the death of the lady. 
WiUiam then turned his eyes towards Lorraine, where he again 
sought a wife ; but, as Philip was any thing but desirous that the 
influence of so powerful a subject as the Prince of Orange should 
be increased by an alliance with the family of a great French feuda- 
tory, William's addresses were not destined to meet with success ; 
and he at length married Ann, daughter of the celebrated Maurice, 
who had been the chief of the German Protestant League, and 
the great opponent of Gharles V. He it was who obliged the 
Emperor to sign the celebrated treaty of Passau in 1550, which 
secured the religious liberties of Germany for nearly a century 
afterwards. 

William was, however, soon tired of his wife's dissolute conduct, 
and was at length obliged to send her home to her friends. His 
discretion and caution enabled him, notwithstanding his love of 
pleasure, to conceal his movements and intentions even from those 
with whom he was most intimately connected, and thus obtained for 
him amongst his countrymen the surname of The Silent. He seems 
to have had a thorough knowledge of the character of all those with 
whom he had to deal ; to have kept up a fair foreign correspondence 
with numeirous agents, who furnished him with information con- 
cerning the foreign potentates, both friendly and adverse to his 
cause. 

Mr. Prescott seems to think that there is some reason to doubt 
of William's religious sincerity ; *' for he appeared a Lutheran to the 
Lutherans, and a Catholic to the Catholics, and attempted to mix 
the least opposing tenets of both faiths into one, in a spirit of tolera- 
tion far beyond the ideas of that age." Great political characters, 
however, such as the Prince of Orange, are not unlikely to waver in 
their religious behef in the midst of political schemes, and often shape 
their faith according to the circumstances that surround them. 



1 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 185 

There is, however, no doubt of the devotion, prudence, and courage 
which the Prince of Orange displayed in the cause of his country's 
independence, as he preferred its freedom to the promotion of his 
own interest, and was ready to serve under any leaders whom it 
might please the united provinces to place over his head, in order to 
assist the common object of freedom. Both Cardinal Bentivoglio, 
his own contemporary, and Mr. Prescott, seem to agree in thinking 
that his eloquence was of the most persuasive kind ; and the former 
has given, in the History of the Dutch Revolution, several specimens 
of the speeches made by the Prince of Orange to his followers, 
which are certainly of the highest order. 

Such is the character of the chief opponent whom Princess 
Margaret, the Regent, had to face in executing the Bang's measures. 
Let us now enquire whom she had to assist her in carrying out this 
difficult policy. In the councils of state, which administered the 
affairs of the Netherlands, when the States General were not sitting, 
three persons had contrived to engross the chief power — viz. the 
Viscount de Barlaimont, a noble of ancient descent and large posses- 
sions, of respectable though ordinary abilities, one who rather owed 
his seat at the Board to his rank and station than to his talents ; the 
Chancellor Yigilus, a man whose great legal learning, unblemished 
integrity, and close application to the business of his office, rather 
fitted him for being a distinguished lawyer than an eminent poli- 
tician ; and the Cardinal Granvelle, whose skill and address at the 
treaty of Cateau Cambresis we have already had occasion to notice. 
A strong friendship soon sprung up between him and the Chaneellor, 
owing to his great learning and close attention to the affairs of the 
state ; and having completely won over the Yiscount by his engaging 
manners, he contrived to obtain for himself the whole power 
of the state. Upon him, therefore, fell the odium of the King's 
measures, and the difficult and dangerous task of executing them. 
The nobles, of course, became jealous of the influence which 
Granvelle had acquired at the Council, and loudly complained 
to the King. Philip did not at once dismiss the Cardinal, but 
demanded from him an explanation, which was made in extremely 
indignant terms. The Regent, who had for some time supported 
the Minister, became jealous of the confidence which the 
Eng reposed in him, and recommended his dismissal ; while 
Granvelle, who now became aware that his situation was an ex- 
tremely difficult one, offered to resign and to retire to any place 
which Philip should deem fitting. This offer was accepted by his 
master, and Besanson, his native place, was appointed as his resi- 
dence, where he employed himself in an extensive correspondence 
with the eminent statesmen and men of letters of that day, which 



136 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

correspondence has been carefully collected and published by Mons. 
Guizot, and has thrown considerable light upon the history of that 
period. It is to be hoped that this example will be followed by 
English Statesmen, in collecting the papers of the eminent person- 
ages of the times of Charles I and II, or other important periods 
of our history, and thus afford ampler materials than we now possess 
for the researches of such future students as may imitate Mr. Pres- 
cott's unwearied and valuable labours. 

We indeed have the letters of that celebrated diplomatist, Lord 
Malmsbury, transmitted to us by his grandson, the late Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs ; and we also possess the important 
correspondence of the Duke of Buckingham and Lord Grenville, 
published by his descendant, the present Duke; but, with the excep- 
tion of Sir Eobert PeeFs papers, which have been left in the hands 
of Lord Stanhope, scarcely a literary man of any eminence, or a 
statesman, has thought it worth his while to occupy his pen in 
furnishing us with the records of the doings of bygone politicians 
of celebrity, not in some way or other connected with his own 
family. 

The Cardinal's retirement from office was received with the 
greatest rejoicings throughout the Low Countries, and many sup- 
posed that the difficulties of the Government were satisfactorily ter- 
minated by his retirement ; but, as Mr. Prescott well remarks, the 
struggle, instead of ending, had only commenced, for Philip was as 
firmly resolved as ever to support the authority of the Inquisition, 
and to continue those ecclesiastical changes which had been intro- 
duced by his minister, and which, though contemplated by the 
Emperor Charles Y, and sanctioned by the Pope, were unpopular 
both with Catholics and Calvinists ; the former looked upon them 
as unnecessary innovations, whilst the latter only considered them 
as a cloak to conceal the King's real intention of re-establishing 
Popery in the Low Countries. Philip, like his father, put himself 
forward, in his letters to the Regent, as the prominent supporter of 
Eomanism. Charles's zeal, however, was tempered by discretion ; 
whilst Philip was an uncompromising supporter of Catholicism, 
without caring for the risks he might encounter in enforcing his 
policy ; and Charles, although he might be harsh in suppressing that 
which he considered as error, was nevertheless a Fleming, and had 
always had the welfare and prosperity of his Flemish subjects really 
at heart ; and his severity was on that account often overlooked. 
Philip, on the other hand, had not only the ideas and haughty 
demeanour of a Spaniard, but had also committed the unpardonable 
mistake of entrusting the government of the Low Countries to 
foreigners; and the concessions which he had made in the dismissal 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 137 

of his obnoxious minister and the withdrawal of his foreign troops* 
only served to calm men's minds for a time, without redressing real 
grievances. 

The Princess now threw herself into the hands of the nobles 
with as much confidence as she had formerly reposed in the Cardinal, 
and it is somewhat amusing to see how her continual praise of the 
minister of last year was now turned to blame, and how readily she 
received the proifered services of the rebellious nobles, who now 
returned to their places at the council board with loud protestations 
of loyalty to their Sovereign, and assurance of repentance for their 
late want of confidence. The Regent even feared her late minister so 
much, that, notwithstanding his quiet retirement to his patrimonial 
estates, she was continually urging his removal to a greater distance 
from the Plemish frontiers. 

But the Government of the Low Countries were not destined to 
go on smoothly for any great length of time. Although the Eegent 
was supported by Egmont and William of Orange, there still re- 
mained some of the friends of the Cardinal, who formed themselves 
into a faction under the Viscount de Barlemont and the President 
Yigilus, who kept their former colleague, the banished Prelate, well 
informed on the state of parties, and of the measures adopted in the 
Netherlands. The Eegent soon showed her hostility by accusing 
the President Vigilus of embezzling to a great extent the plate and 
money of the Church, and he vehemently retorted against her in his 
letters to Granvelle. The able and intriguing Prelate now offered to 
remove to any place where his presence was most needed for the 
King's service, " even were it to the end of the earth." This sin- 
cerity was soon after put to the test by Philip, who ordered him to 
repair to Eome ; and thither the Cardinal accordingly went, and 
disappeared for some time from the political stage ; nor do we again 
meet with him until a much later period than that to which Mr. 
Prescott's work at present extends. It was not long before Philip 
again urged his sister to proceed with rigour against the Plemish 
Protestants; and it appears that, in the year 1565, as many as 17 
persons suft'ered at Antwerp for their religious opinions. So small a 
number of victims was rather calculated to irritate than to inspire the 
reformers with terror; whilst the courage and firmness displayed by 
the martyrs went far towards strengthening the faith in the eyes of 
the people, and gaining over new converts to their creed. All men 
became painfully disquieted by the severity of the King's measures, 
though the Eegent did her best to reassure the Flemings. 

In this state of alarm, the Plemings judged it advisable to send 
some one to Madrid who might be able to lay before the haughty 
Spanish Monarch a true statement of the grievances of his Flemish 

T 



138 PHILIP THE SECOND. 

subjects ; and wlio could be more fitted to execute this delicate task, 
with credit both to himself and his country, than Egraont, whose 
shining qualities and brilliant achievements at St. Queutin and 
Gravelines had made him a' general favourite with the people, and 
whose rank also rendered him a proper representative at the 
Court of Philip ? The steady and unflinching loyalty which he had 
always displayed towards the Crown seemed likely to insure for him a 
patient bearing, if not a favourable answer to such just complaints. 
Philip received him with the greatest cordiality, and having completely 
blinded him by flattery and attention, sent the unsuspecting Egmont 
home again to Elanders. The dispatches which were, however, sent 
back with Egmont, threw great ridicule upon the conduct and 
character of the mission which had been entrusted to him, and com- 
pletely damped the hopes of the Flemings, if they had ever enter- 
tained any, of receiving mercy at the hands of Philip. The dis- 
patches commenced by paying a high compliment to Egmont; and 
then went on to enforce the former orders of the King, and to 
request the provincial governors to carry out still stronger measures 
against the Protestants, who were now to be tortured in secret. 
Three bishops were also nominated as additions to the council, to 
whose hands the superintendence of ecclesiastical of&ces was to be 
entrusted. The Prince of Orange retired from the council, and 
from Breda wrote a letter to the Eegent, in which he strongly blamed 
the policy of the King, and remonstrated with her upon pursuing it 
during a season of unwonted rigor, and when the people were still 
more irritated by famine. Egmont, however, remained at Brussels ; 
having always been a staunch Catholic and a devoted and loyal 
servant of the Crown. 

In the midst of these troubles, the young nobility of Flanders, 
men who had been educated abroad or brought up in the profession 
of arms, and who had distinguished themselves in the wars of 
Charles V, assembled at the house of one of their party, under 
pretext of hearing the discourses of a celebrated preacher of the 
name of Julius, and drew up that famous document known by the 
name of the Compromise. In it the measures adopted by the King's 
Government were very severely handled ; its great power being 
chiefly directed against the establishment of the Inquisition, which 
it was contended was in direct violation of all the institutions of the 
Flemish Government. This celebrated document was signed by 
Prince Lewis of Nassau and several nobles of distinction ; but the 
Prince of Orange and Count Egmont refrained from affixing their 
names to it, as they were Ministers of the Crown, jmd such an act 
would be considered equal to high treason. They, however, secretly 
gave it their encouragement and support. 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 139 

William showed great prudence throughout the whole of tliis 
trying time ; and, as Mr. Prescott well remarks, " he said little and 
wrote less," fearing that he would be the more compromised if he 
put his thoughts on paper. He wanted neither courage nor resolu- 
tion, however, when the time for action arrived, but wisely reserved 
himself for that period. 

Mr. Prescott terminates, at this point, the best and clearest 
account on record of the early part of Philip the Second's reign, 
and gives us an interesting introduction to the Dutch war. 

At some future period we shall again revert to this subject, and, 
with the aid of Mr. Motley, and the other more recent historians, 
give our readers a further insight into the latter portion of Philip 
the Second's reign. 

May, 1857. 



CATHEEINE THE SECOND 



EUSSIA. 



CATHERINE II 

AND THE 

COURTS OE RUSSIA. 



Russia has been the last of all the European states to enter 
into the family of civilized nations. For many centuries it rather 
belonged to Asia than to Europe, and almost as much was known of 
its history by the general reader, as by those who made its study 
their particular occupation. The Russian or Muscovite scarcely 
appears in history until the 9th century, when he is found as a 
trader at Constantinople. The nation, however, soon after, assumed 
a more powerful position, mustered in great force, attacked the 
northern provinces of the Greek empire, and even threatened to 
make itself master of the Greek capital. Defeated, however, by the 
Greek Emperor, and its Grand Duke taken prisoner, Christianity 
was in course of time introduced, and the conversion of the Russian 
leader took place about the end of the 10th century. Olga, the 
mother of the reigning prince, appsars to have ruled the country 
conjointly with her son, and afterwards with her grandson. She at 
first exerted all her influence in support of the old idolatry, until 
her resistance was at length overcome and she was induced to visit 
Constantinople, where she adopted the new religion, was baptized, 
and promised to use her best efforts to introduce its doctrines into 
Muscovy, where the tenets of the Greek Church soon became pretty 
generally adopted. We are further informed that this strong- 
minded old lady persuaded her grandson Vladimer to assist in the 
building of churches, the establishment of schools, the construction 
of roads,, and the promotion of commerce with the neighbouring 
states of Germany and the Greek empire, and became in fact the 
Catherine of the 10 th century. Treaties were afterwards made with 
foreign countries, and thus it happened that the successor of the 
grandson of Olga was married to a daughter of Otho, the great 
Emperor of Germany, and his relative became the wife of Henry I 
of Erance. After this, for a very long period, the Muscovites had 



144 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 

but few foreign relations. They were invaded and conquered by 
Timour the Tartar at the end of the 14th century, and were obliged 
for nearly two hundred years to pay tribute to the Golden Horde or 
tribe to which Timour belonged. At length they threw off all foreign 
yoke at the end of the 16th century, and increased their own domi- 
nions with the state of White Eussia, and the territory of Siberia, 
which they have ever since retained. "We should not omit to mention 
that while the Grand Duke of Muscovy was still tributary to the 
Tartar tribes, he afforded a refuge at Moscow to one of the Palseologi, 
who, after having long endeavoured to maintain himself against the 
Turks in the Peloponnesus, was obliged to submit to overpowering 
numbers and to iiy for safety to Moscow, where he not only found 
an asylum, but was even respected as a dethroned prince. A Russian 
Grand Duke ultimately married the daughter of this prince, and thus 
arose the claim of the Eussian Czar to Constantinople, although it 
was long before the Eussians had sufficient power to attempt to wrest 
the ancient possessions of the Greeks from the Turks. 

At the end of the 16th century, that most remarkable and cruel 
tyrant, Ivan IV, ruled over the Muscovites, and put to death nearly 
all his family and relatives. He had, indeed, destroyed the royal 
family of Eussia, so that no heirs could be found to succeed to the 
throne. Many competitors arose for the crown, and the country was 
for some time devastated by their struggles for power. It was, however, 
at length agreed that the Boyars, or nobles, and the clergy should be 
called together, and that they should, after due deliberation and cast- 
ing of lots, agree upon electing one of these competitors as their sove- 
reign, and that the rest of the nation should abide by the decision. 
They were accordingly assembled at Moscow ; and after three days 
spent in fasting, and close deliberation, the lot was cast, and fell 
upon the son of the Patriarch, whose family name was Eomanoff. Of 
course the choice of such a person as the son of the Patriarch was 
considered by the superstitious nobles as a peculiar interposition of 
Providence ; and all of one accord exclaimed, " He who has been 
chosen by the Holy Spirit as our Czar, must be received and obeyed ! \" 
Romanoff was at once acknowledged by the whole people, and his 
family have ever since occupied the Eussian throne. 

In the latter part of the 16 th century, the Muscovites (though 
by accident) first opened a commercial communication with some of 
the other states of Europe. The captain of an English merchant ves- 
sel, who traded with the north, was carried by wind and tide into the 
White Sea, and was thus obliged by stress of weather to put into 
Archangel. He was kindly treated by the authorities of tlie port, 
was recommended to take an inland jomniey to Moscow, and to 
visit the Czar himself. Listening to these suggestions, he visited 



CATHERINE II AND THE COUllTS OP RUSSIA. 145 

Moscow, was treated with great condescension and affability by the 
Czar, and opened negotiatiojis of a commercial nature, which were 
afterwards approved of and confirmed by our own Queen Mary. 

If we glance at what is related of the Muscovite religion and 
government by Voltaire, in his lives of Peter the Great and Charles 
XII, we shall have a pretty good idea of early Eussian history up 
to the time when Peter the Great ascended the throne in 1696. 
After God and St. Nicholas, the Patriarch and the Czar were looked 
upon as the chief rulers and protectors of Eussia ; the former having 
more real power than any other Patriarch of the Greek church, and 
having contrived, like the Pope, even to supersede the authority of 
his sovereign. On the festivals and holidays of the church, it is said 
the Czar used to lead the ass of the Patriarch, walking bare-headed 
by his side to the cathedral : whils,t the Czar's authority was also 
much curtailed by the military force, called the Strelitz, which in its 
power and organization resembled the Mamelukes of Egypt and 
the Janissaries of Turkey. This mihtary body could elect and 
depose the sovereign at pleasure; and it had, after the death of 
Alexis, father of Peter the Great, placed the infant son Peter on the 
throne of Eussia, appointed his sister Sophia as regent, and asso- 
ciated in the government with Peter his imbecile brother Paul. 
This state of things lasted until Peter reached the age of 17, when 
he overthrew the government of his sister Sophia, confined her in a 
convent, and successfully accomplished the dangerous task of destroy- 
ing the influence of the Strelitz. 

The Empire of Eussia now becomes both important and interest- 
ing, and commences from this period to take a considerable part iu 
the wars and treaties of the other powers of Europe. It starts on 
that career of conquest and aggrandisement which has stretched its 
frontiers from the Frozen Ocean on the north, to the Black and 
Caspian Seas on the south; from the Baltic to the Yistula on the 
west ; to the Pacific Ocean and north-west shores of America on the 
east. Although Peter, hke Alfred of England, and Charlemagne 
of Prance, civihzed his subjects by commerce with the nations of 
Europe, by building a new capital, and thus making his country 
more accessible to the shipping of foreigners, he did more, by inviting 
to his court men of learning, and encouraging foreign naval and 
military officers to enter his service. Still he did not extend the 
frontiers of his empire to that degree which Catherine the Second 
afterwards was enabled to do, as he was prevented from giving it a 
position as terrible to Europe as that which Prance occupied in the 
days of Louis XIV and Napoleon. It is true that, in the early part 
of his reign, Peter took from the Turks, with the aid of his general, 
Alexander Gordon, the town of Azoff, and made a good naval 
arsenal in the Black Sea ; that he also followed his formidable rival, 

u 



146 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 

Charles XII, into Turkey in 1717 ; and that he was tliere surrounded 
by the troops of the Yizier, and obliged to negotiate for his personal 
safety, giving as a ransom the jewels of his wife, and restoring the 
town of Azoff to the Turks. 

As is well known, Peter died in 1725, was succeeded by his wife 
Catherine I, his son Peter II, and his daughters Ann and Elizabeth. 
The last princess seems to have been raised to the throne by the 
assistance of the army and the nobles, who disliked the rule of the 
Empress Ann, on account of her supporting the English and Ams- 
trian alliance. They seem to have been moved to this attempt by 
Prench intrigue, and by the desire of curtailing the authority of the 
sovereign. Having no child, Elizabeth chose, as her heir, her 
nephew Peter. Thus it happened that Peter married the cele- 
brated Sophia ^Augusta Frederica of Anhalt Bernburg, afterwards 
Catherine 11.^ 

The history of this remarkable woman, whom Lord Brougham 
has well compared to Elizabeth of England, merits the closest atten- 
tion of modern diplomatists and statesmen ; as, during her reign, the 
Crimea was rescued from the Turks, the partition of Poland was 
planned and executed, with the aid of Prederick the Great and 
Maria Theresa ; a great part of Finland was wrested from the Swedish 
monarchy; and the disadvantageous treaty of Kainardgiac was con- 
cluded with the Turks, the articles of which formed the basis of the 
protection which has been so long claimed by Russia over the Christian 
subjects of the Port ; a right which was lately enfoTced by Prince 
Menchikoflf, and thus led to war in the principalities and the siege of 
Sebastopol. 

On these accounts, it is interesting to find that the memoirs 
of Catherine II, a sovereign who played so important a part in 
her day, are at length released from the secrecy which has so 
long enveloped them, and given to the world under the able editor- 
ship of Mr. Herzen. Although they contain many revelations 
dangerous to the present sovereign of Russia, if perused and 
believed by his subjects, yet Catherine has not veiled her licentious 
character, but openly tells us that her son and successor Paul 
was not the offspring of Peter III her husband, but of Sergius 
Soltikoff, one of her paramours. Thus it becomes a question whe- 
ther the present possessor of the Rusaiau crown is really descended 
from the Romanoff family, and whether he has really a right to be 
Emperor. 

Mr. Herzen, in the preface to the work, tells us how he has 



* Peter was the grandson of Peter the Great, and son of the Duke of Holstein 
hy the sister of Charles XII of S-weden. 



CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 147 

obtained documents which have been so long concealed. It 
ajopears that the MSS. were sealed up by the Emperor Paul, and 
given by that sovereign to some of his favourite ministers. They 
then passed into the hands of Count Worontzoff', by whom they were 
restored to the Czar Nicholas, and again placed in the royal 
archives with the greatest secrecy. In 1840, the preceptor of 
tlie present Czar was permitted to use several manuscripts, con- 
taining interesting details of the modern history of Eussia, in 
order to instruct his imperial pupil in the liistory of his future 
dominions. Amongst these documents were discovered the memoirs 
whicli we shall now briefly notice."^ 

The preceptor, being an intimate acquaintance of Mr. Herzen, 
informed him of the permission he had received, and the discoveries he 
had made. Herzen purloined the MSS. of Catherine's own memoirs, 
and now vouclies for their authenticity. Our editor endeavours to 
excuse the dissimulation and heartlessness of Catherine, by affirming 
that her position was one of great difiiculty ; that she was placed in 
it when yet very young, and when her mind was hardly sufficiently 
formed to meet with and overcome the obstacles wliich she had to 
encounter; that she was betrothed to a husband who had no 
real affection for her, and who was every way her inferior in mind 
and manner, but yet liked to tyrannise over her whenever he had 
opportunity ; that she was still further exposed to the whims of a 
capricious aunt, and to tlie irritability of temper of her own 
mother, much increased by the jealousy which subsisted between 
her and the Empress. These circumstances furnish, no doubt, 
great excuses for dissimulation and want of feeling; but they 
afford no apology for that grasping ambition and want of principle 
which made Catherine, in all her early acts, look to the acquisi- 
tion of the Russian crown as the great end and aim of life, made her 
so unscrupulous as to the means she used to obtain her darling 
object, and led her to connive at her husband's murder; a stain 
which, in spite of all her^able administration, and her endeavours to 
civilize and increase the powers of her subjects, will ever remain 
attached to her name. 

One must receive with great caution the accounts which Catherine 
gives of her husband, her mother, and her aunt; for though she 
has not been ashamed, in her memoirs, to give us the full details of 
lier own faults, she has been equally unscrupulous in apologising for 
them, by narrating the vices and the ill treatment which slie received 
from those with whom she was brought into contact ; whilst she has. 



* Memoirs of the Empress Catherine II, written by herself, with Preface by 
Herzen. — Triibner and Co, 69, Paternoster Row. 1859, 



148 CATHEEDIJE II AND THE COUKTS OF EUSSIA. 

no doubt in order to suit her oM^n purposes, considerably exaggerated 
the misconduct of her husband and her aunt. 

Although the style of this remarkable work is none of the 
most elegant, being written in obsolete French, it nevertheless 
bears the impress of that energetic and strong mind, the abilities 
of which were acknowledged by all Europe, from Voltaire and 
Frederick the Great, to the Khan of Crim Tartary, and the Turkisli 
general whom Catherine subdued. It acquires additional interest from 
the writer having ruled over vast dominions during the eventful period 
in Europe which elapsed between the seven years' war and the com- 
mencement of the famous French revolution ; an ppoch, the events 
of which have gone far towards making the separation between 
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that of several ages, instead 
of two successive centuries. 

Catherine commences her narrative by sketching the picture of 
her husband, who was of the Holstein family. He left both father 
and mother at a very early age; the government of the Duchy 
of Holstein, as well as the care of his own education, being consigned 
to his uncle, the Bishop of Lubeck, with whom he chiefly resided. 
He had been brought up with the view of filling the Swedish throne, 
. and the care of liis education was in consequence committed to Marshal 
Brummer, who had served in the camp and the court of Charles XII of 
Sweden, and who/M course, indoctrinated Peter in the Lutheran faith, 
with somewhat of a turn for arms, which in a man of a stronger mind 
might have helped to make a great military emperor. Peter seems, 
however, to have possessed the heaviness of a German, without his 
deep thought ; the drunkenness of a Eussian, without his quick per- 
ception of character, thorough knowledge of the world, and readi- 
ness to adopt as his own the improvements and the excellencies 
which he sees in others. Peter, it would seem, indulged in intoxi- 
cating liquors as early as the age of ten years ; and at the same time 
showed neither love nor power for the pursuit of his studies. 
When he reached the age of eleven, he was informed by his aunt, 
tlie Empress Elizabeth of Russia, of her intention of nominating 
him heir to her extensive empire. To fit him for this inheritance, 
she conferred upon him the rank of a Russian Grand Duke, 
and then required that he should change his religion from the 
Lutheran to the Greek faith, and become acquainted with tlie 
Russian language. Being so young, he did not understand the 
responsibilities which might be thrown upon him by accepting 
the Russian crown, and the difficulties he would have to en- 
counter as the absolute master of so vast an empire. He readily, 
liowever, consented to his aunt's wishes; journeyed to St. Petersburg, 
where he was duly installed as a Russian Grand Duke and heir to 
her Imperial Majesty; and, although he was allowed to retain 



CATHEKINE II AND THE COURTS OP RUSSIA. 149 

Brummer as his tutor, a certain priest of the name of Theodosky 
was set to teach him the Eussian language, and the doctrines of the 
Greek Church ; for which, although he was obliged to adopt it, 
in order to fit himself for the dignity of a Eussian Sovereign, he 
always felt the greatest contempt, and most probably remained a 
Lutheran to the end of his days; though he practised enough 
dissimulation to conform to its doctrines, and to make bis aunt 
and his subjects believe that he was really in earnest in his pro- 
fessions. 

He made but little real progress in his studies, and as he grew up, 
displayed a weak and childish mind. He was unfortunately as 
adverse to his tutors as to his studies; his chief amusement being 
playing at soldiery and fortification with his attendants. 

The empress, having now settled her heir, became anxious to 
procure for Peter a suitable partner, who might share with him 
the cares of his crown, and continue the succession of the house 
of EomanofP, Her selection unfortunately fell upon Augusta 
Prederica Sophia, daughter of the Duke Anhalt Bernburg, a prin- 
cess who, though she had only attained the age of fifteen, already 
displayed in her character the dissimulation, intrigue, and ambition 
of a full-grown woman. She was accompanied to the Eussian court 
by her mother, a haughty, hot-tempered, foolish, and zealous woman ; 
who was, of course, well satisfied with the ma|cl> which had been 
negotiated for her daughter, as her husband's michy was by no 
means either important or extensive, while she herself was extremely 
poor and ill provided for. It even appears that Catherine's mother 
was too poor to furnish her daughter with suitable clothing to appear 
at such a court as that of Eussia, where people were expected to 
change their dress more than five or six times a day, and where 
clothes and ceremonial were looked upon with as scrutinous an eye 
as in the ceremonious court of Louis XIV. 

On her arrival in Eussia, Catherine was also placed under Simon 
Theodosky, the ecclesiastic, who seems to have found in her a readier 
pupil and more willing convert to the Greek faith than he had had 
in Peter. She applied herself zealously to learning the Eussian 
language, and to an acquaintance with the tenets of the Greek church. 

At this point of her memoirs, she enters into an account of the 
factions which divided the Eussian court and councils on her arrival. 
It appears that the minister of Foreign Affairs headed a party op- 
posed to French interests, whilst the Count de Lestocq, a favourite 
of the Empress Elizabeth, who was all powerful at court, fully sus- 
tained the French in Eussia. 

In order to understand the foreign policy of Eussia at this period, 
it should be remembered that the great powers of Europe were en- 



150 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 

gaged in the war known in history as that of the Austrian succession, 
a war which was to decide whether Maria Theresa, daughter of 
Charles VI, Emperor of Germany, should succeed her father in his 
dominions and as Empress of Germany. 

Up to this time a female had never occupied the throne of the 
Emperors of Germany, or possessed the territories of the house of 
Austria. A number of competitors therefore arose, both for her 
dignities and possessions, although ' her rights had been previ- 
ously acknowledged by nearly every power of Europe. Her most 
formidable adversaries were Erederick, King of Prussia, Louis XV of 
Erance, and Charles, Elector of Bavaria, who, as is well known, was 
chosen by the German electors to succeed the late Emperor, under 
the title of Charles VII. The Empress Queen was, however, sup- 
ported in her rights by the King of England and her own brave and 
gallant subjects, while the Empress of Russia, although she took no 
active part in the war at the period, yet sympathised with the 
King of Prussia and the Erench. As we shall see in the sequel, 
however, she found reason to change her poKcy, and to support 
Maria Theresa by sending an army into Bohemia. 

Soon after Catherine's arrival at the Russian court, she received 
direct proposals of marriage from her cousin Peter, who made them 
with the curious announcement that he had been much smitten with 
the charms of a certain lady in waiting at his aunt's court, who, 
being despatched in disgrace to Siberia, had left him disconsolate. 
Under these circumstances, he declared himself willing to marry her 
as a substitute for his lost one. This confidence was of course any 
thing but flattering to the young German Princess. She, however, 
accepted his proposals, not because she liked Peter, but because she 
wished to possess the Russian crown. She nearly lost her bright 
prospects, even after accepting this disagreeable offer, as jealousies 
continually arose between her mother and the Empress, and as she 
herself was one day informed by the Count de Lestocq, whilst con- 
versing with the Grand Duke, that " she would most likely soon have 
to pack up and prepare for her return to Germany." Catherine re- 
marks, on this intelligence, that she was very indifferent as to the 
marriage, but not at all so with regard to losing her chance to the 
succession of the Russian empire. These family differences soon 
blew over ; and they were again reconciled. The Empress appointed 
the Countess Roumianzoff, together with several other Russian ladies 
of family, to attend upon the young Princess in the place of her 
German ladies; and with their assistance Catherine quickly acquired 
a knowledge of the Russian language, and of Russian manners and 
customs. Catherine, however, found that these attendants only 
acted as spies, and informed the Empress of all her movements. 



CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 151 

Accordingly she soon perceived that her only chance of success was 
to keep in favour with Elizabeth, ajid to acquire a thorough know- 
ledge of the Eussian language. About this time she became danger- 
ously ill, and was obliged to absent herself from Court. 8he had be- 
come very thin and had lost her good looks ; but, nevertheless, still 
wrote pages in her diary on all the passing incidents of the Court and 
times. Thus she continues her narrative, and informs us that soon 
after her recovery, Count Gyllenburg, the Swedish minister, appeared 
at the Eussian Court. He seems to have been a man of considerable 
ability and learning, and had become acquainted with Catherine and 
her mother some years previously, during her residence at Ham- 
burgh. He had then taken much interest in the young Princess, 
and remarked to her mother, that were she properly educated, 
the child promised some day to M an important place in 
history. He found no reason, when he renewed her acquaintance, 
to alter his previous opinions of her talents ; and expressed him- 
self so pleased with the progress she had made, that he gave her 
grave advice as to the future. It has been justly remarked that 
the qualities of the greatest minds may be judged by their 
actions even in the smallest matters; and Catherine now relates 
a circumstance which, though insignificant in itself, strongly shows 
her artfulness of character, and her desire to keep it with all 
persons with whom she was brought in contact, however different 
their views and opinions might be. Soon after her recovery, the 
Grand Duke paid her and her mother one of his usual visits, which 
were to Catherine usually insipid enough. On this occasion, he 
tried to amuse her by jumping about the room and performing 
several childish antics ; and, whilst thus employed, managed to des- 
troy some valuable works of art on which the Empress had set great 
store. Catherine advised the Grand Duke to brave all his aunt's dis- 
pleasure, whilst behind his back she blamed and ridiculed his childish 
doings, never ceasing to condole with the Empress over her loss. 
Thus she early played the part of a thorough hypocrite, and artfully 
endeavoured to ingratiate herself with all parties. 

Soon after this occurrence, she undertook a journey into South 
Eussia by order of the Empress, and was accompanied by her 
mother, the Grand Duke, the Countess Eoumianzoff, and a large suite. 
Pinding that the order of march threw her into the company of the 
older and more stately personages of the party, which was any thing 
but amusing, she contrived to change the arrangements in such a 
manner that all the juveniles were placed in the same conveyance as 
herself, whilst those of a more advanced age were forced to continue 
their journey together. This gave great offence to the old Countess 
of EoumianzofF, who resolved to avenge herself ou her young mistress ; 



152 CATHERINE II AND THE GOUETS OP RUSSIA. 

and, with the aid of the Count Lestocq, afterwards occasioned 
much embarrassment to Catherine, by representing to the Empress 
the levity of her conduct. Catherine, however, in spite of these 
representations, by constant duplicity, regained her lost favour. 
Soon after her return home from her southern trip, she was 
deprived of the society of her mother, who reseived orders from 
the Empress to leave St. Petersburg. The parting between Catherine 
and her mother furnished her with a convenient opportunity for the 
display of a little more hypocrisy, by way of affection. She accom- 
panied her parent on a part of the road, and wept bitterly, as though 
she really felt sorrow. 

Catherine's nuptial day was at length fixed by the Empress, and 
she here declares that she had only anticipated this event with 
supreme indifl'erence, " experiencing in her heart the sole satisfaction 
that thereby she should, sooner or later, become Empress, Sovereign 
of Eussia." The marriage, under such circumstances, was unlikely 
to produce happiness ; and we accordingly find that the narrative of 
her married life is one continual connubial quarrel. She blames 
Peter's childishness, his coldness and his cruelty towards her. Thus 
the history of her married and unmarried life differs little in the 
main, and strikes the reader as a long series of intrigues from be- 
ginning to end. It is a pity that, with vast materials at her disposal, 
Catherine has given so little of the real history of her times ; she 
could easily have sketched the internal state of Eussian society, the 
politics, intrigues, and j)ublic doings of the court and parties. As 
it is, however, her narrative becomes meagre at times, being 
just such a one as might be expected to proceed from the pen 
of an artful woman ; still it is interesting and instructive, as 
showing every step of the ladder by which she rose to power, and 
the working of that unscrupulous will which made her, after she 
had attained to the full height of greatness, so formidable an 
enemy to the haughty Turks, the brave Swedes, the chivalrous Poles, 
and the fierce and barbarous Tartars of the Crimea ; and which 
enabled her to rule over her large territories, powerful armies, and 
able and determined generals ; and at the same time to be courted 
as an ally by Erederick the Great of Prussia, Maria Theresa 
of Austria, and Joseph II. We have, however, a sad history 
of court morality, and from it we gain a pretty good idea of 
that of the Eussian people in the 18th century. Eeasoniug by 
analogy, we find how the licentious and immoral conduct of 
the courtiers of the time of Charles II, and the general want 
of principle of that monarch, exerted a great influence on 
the society of his day, as may be seen in the literature and 
public amusements of 1660 to 1685. Again, the morals of the 



CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 153 

court of Louis VI may be said in a great measure to have produced 
tlie I'reucli revolution, by the contempt which they brought on the 
higher classes of society. If courts like England and Erance could, 
during the seventeenth and eighteentli centurieSj have so vast an 
influence over the social and political condition of their subjects, 
how much more control must the Russian court have exercised 
over a barbarous and rude people, only just entering into civiliza- 
tion, and hving under the absolute sway of their sovereign and 
nobles. We may therefore learn from the intrigues of the 
Russian court, headed by Catherine, the qualities which have made 
Russian diplomacy as terrible as it is insincere ; which has enabled 
it to rise fresh from every struggle, however disastrous, and even 
to turn its defeats to advantage; as shown after the battle of 
Narva and the taking of Moscow by the Prench. This kind of 
"unprincipled luck" it is, which has made " Russia a formidable 
power, that has never yet receded in her schemes of territorial 
aggrandisement," 

The progress of Russia during the last century and a half 
has been mainly owing to the energetic and vigorous character 
of her sovereigns, who, being unchecked in their authority by 
a popular constitution, have been enabled to introduce what 
improvements they pleased, and have, with the assistance of 
personal courage, time, and the native sagacity of their character, 
overcome all the prejudices of their subjects. Peter III, however, 
if we are to believe the account given of his character by his 
wife, was neither a good man in private life, nor an able mo- 
narch; whilst he was childish, and heartless to a degree scarcely 
to be conceived. On the marriage day, Catlierine discovered 
his total want of attachment ; though, had his dislike been kept 
within bounds of decorum, she might have submitted with resig- 
nation. It was, however, unhkely she would tamely submit to 
neglect, or lend her ear to the praise of his mistress who had just 
been exiled to Siberia by the Empress. In fact, Catherine states 
that she perceived from the first that Peter had made up his mind 
to dislike her, and that it would be waste of time and efforts to 
attempt to gain the favour or love of such a man. 

She yet declares herself a good wife, always ready to discharge 
her duty, whatever it might be ; whilst her charming husband was 
indifferent and brutish. Could it therefore be expected that she 
should long endeavour to please him ? For reputation sake, how- 
ever, she played the affectionate wife during the illness which seized 
him soon after their marriage. She watched him closely during his 
temporary insensibility, and endeavoured to acquire favour with the 
Empress by praying for his speedy recovery. 



154 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 

It was during tlie Grand Duke's convalescence that he per- 
formed one of those childish practical jokes which so often brought 
him into trouble, botli with his aunt and his wife. By piercing 
the door of his chamber which adjoined that of the Empress's 
secret apartments^ he overheard a conversation between his aunt 
and her favourite, and actually saw Count Razoumowsky, dressed 
in a robe de chambre, dining with her majesty. Peter was so 
amused with this discovery, that he sent for a number of the cour- 
tiers to participate in his indiscretion. Catherine, amongst others, 
was summoned to the peep-hole ; but refused the invitation, rated 
him roundly for his imprudemce, and warned him that such a secret 
could by no possibility be kept. 

Peter divided his time between puppet shows and amours with 
the various court ladies, the details of which he always confided to 
his wife ; whilst Catherine was employed in the study of the best 
publications of the day, in horse exercise, for which she was famed, 
in the chase, and in court intrigue. . As she was unlikely to gain the 
love of her husband, she soon formed an attachment to a certain 
CzernichefF, a handsome youth belonging to her household. Her 
intrigues with him were at length discovered, and he was sent to 
Moscow and there imprisoned. 

It is hard to believe the account which Catherine gives of her 
husband's conduct during the early period of their married life, as 
it is so much in favour of herself and so damaging to Peter. 
She boldly asserts that she connived at his amours, and advised him 
in all his unprincipled doings. She dwells on her own sufferings 
and her frequent illnesses, which it is hard to believe were other than 
feigned means of gaining sympathy and affection. She, nevertheless, 
contrived to carry on pretty constant intrigues both with her mother 
and her lover. She corresponded with the former through Sacromoso, 
a knight of St. John of Jerusalem, who about this time visited the 
Russian court; and with, the latter, by a musician named D'Ologlio, 
who used to play at the Court concerts. She only once, through- 
out the whole of this early period, gives us any information on the 
foreign relations of Russia, and just mentions that a treaty had been 
concluded between Austria and Russia, by which the Empress Eliza- 
beth bound herself to support the claims of Maria Theresa, and sent 
troops into Bohemia. 

Lestocq and his party, wlio had supported French interest, thus 
lost much of their uiiluence at court. The former had become sud- 
denly suspected, on account of his intrigue, and was even accused 
of having attempted to poison Erederick the Great of Prussia. Al- 
though there seems to have been but shght foundation for such 
charges, they were quite sufficient, in Kussia, to cause immediate 



CATMEIUNE II AND THE COURTS OF EUSSIA. 155 

incarceration and subse([uent banishment to Siberia. These intrigues 
at court were almost of daily occurrence ; and it is, therefore, no 
matter of surprise that Catherine should act as she did, that her 
conduct to her husband should afterwards have been so treacherous, 
and her treatment of her paramours so cruel; and that so many 
princes of the house of Romanoff should have ended their career iu 
assassination. It was a convenient thing for Catherine that 
treachery was the acknowledged practice of the Russian Court ; as it 
in some measure seemed to palliate her crimes; whilst it enabled 
lier to put out of the way many a dangerous and powerful favourite, 
whom she might otherwise have found it a difficult matter to deal 
with. A few convenient murders were rendered the more necessary, 
as, according to the accounts of historians, she had as many as six 
paramours at a time, whose jealousies it must have been no easy task 
to reconcile. 

Catherine gives us an interesting account of the visit of the min- 
isters of Austria, Demark, and Saxony, to the Court of Russia ; and 
their negotiations with the Grand Duke for the surrender of the 
duchy of Holstein to t-he kingdom of Denmark. According to Hol- 
stein law, he was enabled to enter into such negotiation, although 
he was very reluctant to part wdth the sovereignty of his native 
duchy, to which he had always been much attached ; whilst his sub- 
jects, on their side, were extremely unwilling to excliauge the rule of 
their own Prince for that of the crown of Denmark. Catherine, as 
usual, takes all the credit of the negotiation, and persuades herself 
that she alone solved the difficulty. The families of Holstein and 
Denmark had never been friends since their separation at the end of 
the 15th century, on the expulsion of Christian II of Denmark: 
and they had always been ready to help the Swedes in their attacks 
upon that country, and had severely harassed the Danes during the 
days of Charles II. Thus the Holstein dislike to the Danish 
government was of old standing, and it was not at all surprising 
that discontent should be expressed at the likelihood of annexa- 
tion. Peter's attachment to his duchy is a very creditable quality 
in his character, and shows that, notwithstanding all the childish- 
ness, artlessness, and cruelty of his disposition, of which his wife 
accuses him, he possessed some good feelings, which, had they 
been properly fostered, would have made him a better man. As 
Catherine's narrative proceeds, it differs little in its character of in- 
trigue, though it becomes more than ever interesting. She describes, 
in amusing strains, the details of her daily occupations. As the 
Empress was afraid of seeing Catherine on horseback " A I'homme," 
our heroine contrived a saddle that, when in the presence of the 
Empress^ she could easily convert into a lady's side-saddle, but 



156 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OP RUSSIA. 

when alone could turn it to the original shape, as she preferred tlie 
masculine mode of riding. She also gives us an account of the 
court balls and masquerades, at which the guests were to appear in 
various costumes, the women a I'Jwmwes, and the men en coskcme 
de dames ; an arrangement which suited neither party, as the men 
looked ridiculous in petticoats, and the women like so many small 
boys. 

At one of these balls, Catherine encountered her old friend 
Count Czernicheff, with whom she had kept up a long and 
clandestine correspondence ; and also gained two new lovers ; 
the one, Leon Narichkine, whose conversational talents and per- 
sonal appearance she highly praises ; the other, Soltikoff, a cham- 
berlain of the Empress, wdiom she describes as the haudsomest 
man she ever beheld. These lovers soon contrived to win the con- 
fidence of the Tchoglokoffs, Catherine's principal attendants, who 
constantly arranged love meetings for the Duchess at their house, 
Avhere shameful debauchery was perpetrated. In Catherine's sub- 
sequent narrative, she consoles herself for the loss of the affections 
of one of these lovers by renewed intrigues with the other. Thus 
it was the constant change of admirers, whilst yet a Grand Duchess 
and without power, that made her so dangerous and tyrannical a 
mistress to her favourites when she became Empress. She contrived 
to have two miscarriages, the result of her intrigues, without the 
knowledge of her husband ; and during her illness saw but little of 
the Grand Duke, who, nothing loath, amused himself with hard 
drinking, and drilling his puppets. 

During the year 1754, Catherine spent much of her time in the 
country, taking long walks and drives, accompanied by her friend 
and lover Soltikoff ; and about the end of the autumn was delivered 
of a son (in reality the child of Soltikoff), but who was, never- 
theless, looked upon as the real heir to the Russian crown. Great 
care was bestowed upon the child by the Empress, who carried 
it off and attended it night and day ; whilst the only notice the 
Empress Ehzabeth seems to have taken of the unfortunate and 
forsaken mother, was an occasional enquiry, and the forwarding af 
100,000 roubles and some valuable jewels to her needy niece. 
Catherine was kept in ignorance during this period of all that 
went on at court, but v\'as fearfully jealous of the attention shewn 
to her child. She consoled herself, however, in study, and by 
])lanuing schemes of power and ambition. As for the Grand 
Duke, he seldom, if ever, visited her, as he was enraged that the 
Empress should have bestowed on the Grand Duchess such pre- 
sents, whilst he had received nothing, although as a father he 
needed help as much as Catherine. The new-born infant was in 



CATHERINE II AND THE COUETS OF RL'SSIA. 157 

clue course named Paul, and his baptism was solemnized scon after 
his birth with great pomp and rejoicings. After six weeks had 
elapsed, the Grand Duchess was allowed to receive the courtiers 
and attend prayers on her recovery ; receiving, after the religious 
ceremony was over, the compliments of the whole court. Her 
recovery was, however, damped by the news that Soltikoff had been 
sent to Sweden on a mission; and that her friend and companion, 
the Princess Gargarine, was about to be married. Thus the two 
persons to whom she was most attached were unceremoniously removed 
from her. 

About Whitsuntide, 1755, Sir Charles Wilhams paid a visit to 
the court of St. Petersburgh as Enghsh Eepresentative. Catherine 
finds him an agreeable man, who had travelled much, seen many 
courts, and who made many desirable and witty observations; 
she soon became friendly with him. In the suite of WiUiaius, came 
a young man of handsome person and agreeable manners, of the 
name of Count Poniatowsky, who at once caught the eye of the 
Grand Duchess. He was the son of the celebrated Count of that 
jiame, whose claim to the throne of Poland Charles XH had so 
stoutly supported against Peter the Great and Augustus II, Elector 
of Saxony. The Grand Duchess asked many questions concerning 
him, in the hope that she might repair some of the injury that Peter 
the^ Great had done to his family, and make his stay in Eussia not 
only bearable, but even agreeable. Thus a great friendship sprung 
up between the Grand Duchess and himself, the result of which was 
by no means creditable to her virtue. 

In the summer of 1755, she retired to her old country place, 
Orauienbaum, where she amused herself by planting a garden and 
rearing a collection of curious plants, being attended by an old 
gardener, who predicted her future greatness, and that she would one 
day become Empress sovereign of Eussia. His manner was very 
peculiar, and his prophecies were uttered in a very commanding tone 
which inspired his hearers with confidence. These details are perhaps 
of little moment, either to the historian or general reader. Tliey 
are, however, interesting and important, as showing the character of 
the princess who relates them, the court by whom she was surrounded, 
and the ministers and envoys who were sent thither by the different 
states of Europe. 

In Catherine's day, Sweden was a great power in the north ; and 
Poland, notwithstanding the evils of its constitution, and the con- 
stant disputes of its nobles and monarch, was enabled to make itself 
feared by both Turk and Muscovite ; and indeed most of the territory 
which lies in the steppe of Eussia, between Moscow and Odessa, and 
particularly that part of it which is occupied by the military colonies. 



158 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OP RUSSIA. 

Lad been ceded by the Turks to the Poles a little time before Peter the 
Great^s accession to the throne. It was, perhaps, to their struggle 
with the Swedes that the Czar owed the safety of his dominions, aftt?r 
the decisive battle of Narva, and was enabled to prepare his subjects, 
by saiall skirmishes with the Swedish troops, to defend himself 
against the inroad of Charles XII, and finally to overthrow that 
power on the field of Poltowa. 

After the victory of Poltowa, however, his power was raised to 
such a pitch that he was enabled to push on his success into Turkey. 
Although, as we have seen, he received a temporary defeat in that 
country, he was enabled successfully to place his own candidate 
upon the throne of Poland, to make himself dreaded by the Tartars, 
to be called in as an ally against them by the Shah of Persia ; to 
make the King of England tremble for his German dominions j to 
negotiate at the same time an advantageous treaty with China j and 
to make an alliance with his daughters Ann and Ehzabeth courted 
by the Empress Queen of Austria. 

At the very period at which we have now arrived, 1755, the 
Empress Elizabeth was about to enter into one of the most memor- 
able wars which Europe had ever witnessed, in concert with Prance, 
Sweden, and Austria, against Prussia and England ; this has been 
called the ' seven years ' war. Prance lost most of her possessions ; 
England gained large territorial acquisitions in North America, and 
began, under Clive, that career of conquest in India which has en- 
abled her to raise a most powerful and flourishing empire in tLeEast, 
whilst her ally, the stout King of Prussia, after defending his domi- 
nions, single-handed, against the most influential states of Europe, was 
not only enabled to retain the provinces which he had conquered 
from Austria during the preceding war, but even elevated his country 
to a pitch of power and importance which it had never before enjoyed. 
Sweden neither lost nor gained ; whilst Eussia did not continue the 
contest sufficiently long to acquire territory. She, however, gained 
in her position as an European state. 

Peter III did not live long after the death of his aunt, or his 
admiration of Prederick the Great would have made him continue 
the war in his favour ; but Catherine did not see what was to be 
gained by taking the side of either party in the war ; and she, more- 
over, believed that Frederick had a §reat share in irritating her 
husband against her. She was not undeceived in this opinion until 
she read some of the correspondence which passed between Prederick 
and Peter, in which she ascertained that the former had done all 
in his power to soften her husband towards her. This afterwards 
led to an alliance with Prederick and Maria Theresa of Austria, 
which eventually proved most advantageous to Eussia, as Catherine, 



CATHEEINR II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA. 159 

induced those sovereigns to enter into negotiation witli lier to parti- 
tion Poland amongst them. 

Catherine's own narrative of her intrigues, and her description 
of the different characters of her lovers, show that she had a good 
appreciation of the qualities of those with whom she came in contact, 
that must have gone far towards enabling her to make that admir- 
able selection of generals and statesmen, and afterwards assisted in 
carrying out her ambitious designs. 

Catherine brings her account of the year 1755 to a close, with 
an amusing anecdote of her intrigue with Narickine, who, it appears, 
had recourse to the curious resource of mewing like a cat when he 
wished for admittance into her chamber. One of the nights on 
which he thus gained admittance, he told her that his sister-in-law, 
for whom the Grand Duchess had shown some esteem, was ill, and 
requested to see her. 

" I would go to her — but how ?" said Catherine. 

" Oh, I will take you there," said Leon. 

" Are you mad ?" answered Catherine. " How can I go with 
you ?" 

'' Why, in this way. I will come and fetch you in an hour or 
two's time. The Grand Duke will be at supper ; he will get very 
tipsy and go to bed. Dress in men's clothes, for greater security, 
and we will go together to Anna Nikitchna Narickine's." 

" As soon, therefore," writes Catherine, " as Madame Vlad;;-Iava 
had undressed me and retired, I got up, dressed myself from head 
to foot as a man; Leon came through the apartment of the Grand 
Duke, mewed at my door, I opened it, we passed through a small 
ante-room into the hall, entered his carriage, and drove to the place 
of rendezvous, where a night of revelry was indulged in." 

These nocturnal revels were often resumed, without exciting the 
suspicion of any of the courtiers • and they Were rendered the more 
agreeable by the intimate acquaintance which she formed with the 
fascinating Count Poniatowsky, who was intriguing to get appointed 
Polish minister in Eussia. 

During 1756, diplomatic intrigues of a wider and more interest- 
ing nature were being carried on at Moscow. The seven years' war 
had now commenced, and the Count Esterhazy, the Austrian Envoy 
in Eussia, used all his skill to persuade the Empress to support the 
cause of his mistress in Germany. The Chancello? Bestoujeff was, 
how^ever, opposed to him, and favoured the interest of the King of 
Prussia and the King of England. The Chancellor was anxious 
that she should only send a small force, about 30,000 men, into 
Bohemia, and that she should by no means act as an important 
power in the war. The Austrian Ambassador, however, inserted, 



160 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OF RUSSIA, 

according to his instructions from Maria Theresa, that if she sup- 
ported the Empress Queen of Hungary, she should do so with all 
her forces. He iiltimately gained his point. WiUiams in the mean 
time had made most strenuous efforts to gain the Eussian alliance 
for England and Prussia ; and the Chancellor had even gone so far 
as to sign a treaty in Williams's favour. He was obliged, however, 
the day after, to undo his work, as his opponents were too strong; 
and, with great grief, was obliged to return to his own country. The 
Grand Duchess much regretted this termination of affairs, and the 
departure of the English Ambassador from the Eussian Court. 

Count Poniatowsky now returned from his Polish trip and visited 
Catherine, accompanied by Count Home, a Swedish noble, who had 
belonged to the Eussian party in that country, and who had been 
obliged to quit it on account of French influence gaining the upper 
hand; Catherine stating that many of the chiefs of his party had 
been executed on account of their political principles, and that he 
and Count Home would have shared the same fate had he not taken 
refuge in Eussia. It may here be observed that Sweden had been 
divided into two parties ever since the death of Charles XII, ac- 
cording to Voltaire ; and, although party feeling ran high between 
them, we somewhat doubt whether it was pushed to such extremities 
as Catherine would have us believe. 

On the return of Poniatowsky, a circumstance occurred, which, 
although slight in itself, throws great light on his character. The 
Grand Duchess had a small dog which barked most furiously at 
Home, whilst he welcomed Poniatowsky with great delight; on 
which Home remarked, " My friend, there is nothing so terrible 
as a little Italian greyhound : the first thing I always do with 
the ladies I am in love with is to give them one of these little 
dogs, and by this means 1 can alM^ays discover whether there 
is any more favoured than myself. The rule is infallible. You 
see it. The dog growled as if he would have eaten me, be- 
cause I am a stranger, whilst he was mad with joy when he saw 
you again ; for most assuredly this is not the first time he has seen 
you here." 

The Grand Duchess, having given an account of her own 
intrigues, now proceeds to those of her husband. The detail of 
his amours is too long to be noticed here ; suffice it to say that he 
formed an attachment to several of his wife's own maids of honour, 
and they were encouraged to deceive her. She seems also to have 
met with great opposition from the intrigues of Eobert Brockdorf, 
the Holstein courtier, who advised the Grand Duke to introduce 
a guard of his own countrymen into Eussia. He had acquired 
a great influence over his master, and had surrounded him. 



CATUEKINE II AND THE COURTS OP llUSSfA. IGl 

according to Catherine's account, with many low and needy followers, 
who encouraged him in his drunkenness and debauchery, whilst 
they robbed him of his money and filled his head with all sorts of 
violent notions against his wife. The prince, being too idle and too 
undecided to manage his own affairs, made his wife read the desjiatches 
from Holstein, and sign those she thought proper ; countersigning 
them afterwards himself. The Grand Duchess, as may be supposed, 
acquired by these means a thorough knowledge of the Grand Duke's 
private business, and was by no means induced to submit to the 
supervision of Brock dor f. Amonst other things in which Catherine 
and her minister differed, was the long imprisonment of many men 
who seemed to have discharged the duties of their office with ability 
and honour, and who were apparently only confined on account of 
their attempts to overthrow Brockdorf s influence in the affairs of 
the Grand Duchy of Holstein. 

After eight months' delay, Catherine obtained an interview with 
the Empress, who listened to her complaints against Brockdorf. She 
seems, however, not to have received Catherine very graciously, to 
have questioned her much on the state of affairs in Holstein, to have 
been extremely surprised that she was so well acquainted with them, 
and to have been very indignant that she should have informed her- 
self upon them by the express order of the Grand Duke. The chief 
topic of this conversation was afterwards used by her enemies against 
Catherine, when the Empress's health became indiff'erent, and when 
it was impossible to hide the fact from the knowledge of the public. 
An accident had occurred to the Empress in church, by which her 
foot slipped, and she had so severe a fall as to be carried home on a 
litter, where she lay for some time in a state of insensibility. The 
dangerous state of the Empress made many of her servants fear the 
responsibility they might have to bear for political acts when her 
successor came to the throne, as there is no security for any official 
functionary when the reins of government fall into new hands, in a 
country like Russia, where the crown is not only despotic, but even 
as irresponsible for its acts as Divinity itself. Amongst these was 
Marshal Apraxine. He was well aware that the war had only been 
undertaken to please the Empress, and that it would not be carried 
on a single year after her death. He therefore retreated in a most 
precipitate manner to the liussian frontier ; and, although this might 
have been necessary, his mode of conducting his retreat too much re- 
sembled a flight, to display either mihtary talent or political prudence. 
Many ef his friends attributed his conduct to his real motives ; but most 
of his enemies accused him of either treachery or cowardice. The 
Chancellor, who was desirous of saving him, and who well knew the 
attachment of the Grand Duchess to him, requested her to join in 

Y 



162 CATHERINE II AND THE COURTS OP RUSSIA. 

remonstrating M'itli the Marshal on his conduct; and several lette rs 
were accordingly written by Catherine to her friend, which, however, 
were never answered, but, unfortunately for herself, were afterwards 
distorted by her enemies into an accusation against her, when the 
Chancellor lost his power. The Marshal was eventually recalled, tried 
by court martial, but expired previous to receiving sentence. 

Catherine finally gives a long account of her intrigues with 
Poniatowsky, which we have not space to notice in detail ; suffice it 
to say, she had another child, a daughter, of whom the Empress took 
as much care as she did of Catherine's eldest child, whilst the mother 
was left in a still more forlorn condition than on a previous occasion. 
Peter had hesitated whether he should consider this child as his own. 
The suspicions, however, were easily quieted by the 60,000 roubles 
which he received at its birth. His wife and he, however, were not 
long on good terms ; and after a number of intrigues on both sides, 
matters were at length brought to a crisis by a violent dispute touch- 
ing a visit to the theatre. She flatly declared that to live any longer 
with him was impossible, and that she intended to complain to the 
Empress, and request to be sent back to her own family. Soon after, 
the Empress saw her and listened to her complaints ; though Cathe- 
rine found that her enemies had been before hand with her, and 
accused her of interfering in the affairs of Holstein, of secretly cor- 
responding with the Chancellor, who had now lost all his influence 
at court, and of sending letters to Apraxine which had somewhat 
induced his hasty retreat. She, however, contrived to clear herself 
of all the charges, although she does not seem to have obtained the 
permission of the Empress to return home. 

With this conversation this remarkable book abruptly termi- 
nates. It clearly shows that not only the character of Catherine was 
full of deceit and hypocrisy, but that Eussian morals were at a very 
low ebb in the eighteenth century, when no one, however exalted, 
feared to descend to intrigue or falsehood, as long as it brought 
interest and position. The Russian character has not improved since 
that day; though their present duphcity is carried on with more 
decency, and some pretence to civilization. We said, in the begin- 
ning of our article, that there was little doubt of Mr. Ilerzen's au- 
thenticity. It appears that several narratives of Catherine's life have 
been published anterior to the present time, none of which differ 
materially from his own. It is, therefore, likely that he has taken 
much from other works ; and it is difficult to say which of the many 
works that pretend to be Memoirs of Catherine II is the original. It 
is thus no easy matter for the reviewer to determine between the true 
and the false. The only point which tells against Herzen, is, that 
he does not very clearly account, after all, for the manner in which 



CATHERINE II AND THE COUKTS OV RUSSIA. IGo 

he obtrtined his iiiforinatioii. One lesson, however, to be learnccl 
from all the narratives of Catherine's life — is, that certain characters 
in liistory scera to be adapted to peculiar periods. There is no doubt, 
if Peter had long enjoyed the throne of Russia, that the country 
would have returned either to its state of barbarism, or else lost con- 
siderably in rank as an European power. It may be said, to the 
credit of Catherine, as of Elizabeth of England, that, in spite of her 
many vices, she placed her country in the van of advancement, and 
hclj)ed to make it one of the greatest powers in the world. 



EUSSIA AS IT IS. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 



It is strange that a country like Eussia, which commenced with 
such small beginnings, and was scarcely known to the ancients, 
should have terrified all her neighbours by her power and ambition. 
Insignificantly mentioned in ancient times as having been the scene 
of the Argonautic expedition, and as forming part of the kingdom 
from which Mithridates issued to contend for the dominion of Asia 
Minor, it subsequently became renowned as the scene of the over- 
throw of his son, so well described by Julius Csesar; and as the 
locality to which the famous poet Ovid was exiled, and in which he 
wrote his famous verses. 

Three hundred years ago, Eussia was still considered rather as an 
Asiatic than an European state. It was not until the end of the 17th 
century that any attempts were made to raise it to a substantial 
rank amongst the western powers. Then it was that that extra- 
ordinary man, Peter the Great, introduced the civilization, customs 
and manners of the rest of Europe ; and brought about such changes 
as hereafter placed Russia high amongst European nations. Wise 
and judicious measures have appeared through subsequent reigns, 
though progress has been retarded by a large retrograde party, which, 
assisted by the clergy and the landowners, has striven to keep Eussia 
eastern in its Courts, its internal administration, and usages. 

It is a wonder, to those who have read Russian history, 
how a people, so long strangers to civilization, who have passed 
through so many vicissitudes of fortune, should have made such 
rapid strides, gained such influence both in Europe and Asia, and, 
having acquired large territorial possessions in both continents, become 
the terror of their powerful and warlike neighbours. 

Many causes, since the days of Peter the Great, have contribu'ed 
to this sudden and unexpected rise; and chief among them, the vigour, 
celerity and secrecy, with which despotic monarchs execute their 
plans, a power which all jurists and politicians agree in considering 
the sole advantage of absolute government. The character of the 
sovereigns who have succeeded Peter the Great has generally been 
able and energetic, even to the present day ; and modern Czars have 
followed up his measures and policy. 

If modern rulers have done so much towards making Eussia a 



168 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

first-rate power, the qualities of the people have equally contri- 
buted to this success. They are as courageous and determined in 
obtaining their ends as their sovereigns ; they have an extraordinary 
quickness for adopting the inventions of other nations, and making 
improvements in their army and navy. 

The two best works which have as yet appeared on the internal 
affairs of Russia are the Memoirs of Count Segur,"^ the Erench Envoy 
to the Court of Catherine II, and the Travels of Mr. Kohl.f The 
former tells us "that when he accompanied the Empress on her 
journey to the Crimea, everything was done by the authorities to de- 
ceive her into the beUef that her provinces were well administered, 
and her roads well kept.'' Although this clever princess did not 
swallow with credulity all she heard, yet she was nevertheless 
unable to arrive at any just idea of the true state of her dominions. 
There is too much reason to believe that the same deceptions 
are daily being practised upon the reigning Czar ; for Kohl 
positively asserts " that everything is still done in Eussia in an 
underhand and unstates manlike manner.^' Such facts suggest 
volumes. Russians, however, should be encouraged to write about 
their own country and government; for they would naturally be 
able to explain many customs which foreigners look upon with pre- 
judiced eyes. 

We are apt to wonder at the paucity of reliable works on 
this country ; though we little know the sad truth, that the Russian 
writer is so surrounded by difficulties that he dare not express 
his real opinions on paper. He also labours under the misfortune 
of writing in a language which will never be read or understood out 
of his own country. If, therefore, he ventures to express his 
opinions to the world, he must do so in Erench. Whether he pub- 
lishes his experiences at home or abroad, either against the Govern- 
ment, or in its favour, he must, as a Russian, expect to meet with 
insurmountable obstacles. At home, he has no chance of success, 
as he falls under the eye of the secret police and its spies ; whilst 
abroad, he is likewise closely watched by diplomatic agents, who 
report correctly to their Government at St. Petersburg every word 
he utters. 

It is, therefore, somewhat astonishing to meet with a book on Russia, 



* Memoires, ou Souvenirs et Anecdotes de Comte de Segur; 3 vols. 8vo. 
Paris, 1857. 

t Russia, St. Petersburg, Moscow, KharkoflP, Riga, Odessa, and the German 
Provinces on the Baltic ; the Steppes, the Crimea, and the Interior of the Empire. 
By J. G. Kohl. Chapman and Hall, London. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 169 

written by one apparently well fitted for the task. Prince Dolgoroukow, 
the latest Russian Essayist, is distantly connected with the Imperial 
house, and has held at various times important posts in the Govern- 
ment, though generally supporting liberal principles. On this 
account, his treatise must be taken with some degree of caution j 
though it must be said, to his credit, that his descriptions and tiiose 
of recent travellers thoroughly coincide. Well acquainted with 
Russian history, and connected with most of the celebrated characters 
who have taken a part in Russian policy for the last quarter of a 
century. Prince Dolgoroukow's"^ statements are as interesting as they 
are astonishing. 

He commences by assuring us that " it is a mistake to suppose 
that the lives and properties of the subjects of the Russian Empire 
are entirely dependent on the absolute will of the Emperor, without 
laws to protect them." 

" There is," he remarks, " a well-arranged code of fifteen volumes 
of one thousand pages each, which most accurately defines the 
duties of the different authorities of the State, and the rights of the 
people, both in civil and criminal cases. This has been arranged at 
various times by different Emperors, beginning with John IV ; the 
subsequent additions by Alexis I, father of Peter the Great, in 
1640 ; and lastly, by the Emperor Theodore III." These laws are, 
however, a mockery, as the first of them places the will and authority 
of the Emperor over that of all other powers in the State. He may 
annul or alter the statutes according to his pleasure ; thus holding 
the lives and properties of his subjects positively, though not legally, 
in his hands. Again, any Emperor, however well intentioned, cannot 
bring about reforms, without the consent of the powerful Camarilla 
by which he is surrounded, or the connivance of the strong retrograde 
party now so triumphant in Russia. It is the interest of the 
Ministers to deceive the Czar as to the real state of affairs, and to 
thwart each other as much as possible. Thus we are told that for 
nearly half a century each Minister ruled over his department 
more like an oriental Pasha than an European ; and that it is 
only since the summer of 1857, that they have assembled together 
like other Cabinets to deliberate on affairs of State. It is no less 
remarkable that at this conference it became difficult to define the 
respective functions of the different Ministers ; as each, having acted 
so long in his own department, was naturally jealous of the inter- 
ference of his colleagues. Thus for a long time it was almost 
impossible to administer the affairs of the State in concert. 



* La Verite sur la Rassie, par la Prince Pierre Dolgoroukow. Paris : a Franck 
Libraire Editeur, 67, Rue Richelieu, 1860. 

Z 



170 EUSSIA AS IT IS. 

Our author bitterly complains of the necessity for propitiating 
those who are powerful at Court, even to obtain employment, or the 
appointment of an inferior office. In other European countries, a man 
of distinguished political or literary merit is sure to find in this 
a sufficient passport, if they do not obtain for him an important 
place in the state. In Russia it requires the protection of some 
great noble even to approach the person of the Sovereign ; and, ac- 
cording to Prince Dolgoroukow, the administration is an official lie 
throughout the whole Empire. Justice is so complicated, that it is 
more calculated to occasion expense and delay than to fulfil its end. 
Thus there are a number of local tribunals in each province from 
which an appeal may be made to the Senate, then to the Minister of 
Justice, and lastly to the Emperor ; each of which process requires 
bribery and interest to a fearful degree. A curious anecdote is told 
of a merchant who asked the advice of his Minister, how he should 
obtain justice in a cause which had been pending for several 
years. " Why," replied the official, " if you have resided long in 
Russia, you must be fully aware that justice cannot be had except 
it be bought." The merchant urged, " I have appealed from 
court to court, and I have paid large sums, until I am tired." On 
this anecdote Dolgoroukow quietly remarks, ''it is not only 
necessary to bribe in order to gain a cause, but the money must 
be spent judiciously/" If the civil jurisprudence is so corrupt, the 
criminal trials remind one of what used to occur during the middle 
ages, or in the early part of modern historj^. Even the Inquisition 
could hardly treat its victims with much more cruelty. Thus the 
political victims in 1825 were punished with extraordinary barbarity, 
and nothing was neglected to terrify them into confession and 
betrayal. " Closely confined in dark dungeons, and led through long 
corridors with veils over their faces, these poor men were brought 
before their stern judges ; a glare of light was cast upon them 
to which their eyes had been long unaccustomed, and they were 
cruelly examined and tortured." All these political culprits were 
condemned to death, though the sentence was commuted for a life 
exile to Siberia. The parents of one of these unfortunates peti- 
tioned to see their son, as he passed through their village on his 
way to a living tomb. The authorities answered, "that a State 
criminal had neither parents nor relations, and refused the request." 
Most of these criminals are now toiling in the mines of Siberia. 

Prince Dolgoroukow next discourses on the powers of the 
Eussian Senate, which is of but recent creation, and forms a court of 
judicial appeal. It seems to hold its principal sittings at Moscow, 
its members being men of experience and information. All, 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 171 

however, are appointed by interest. An instance is cited in which 
the President was jealous of the power of one of the Senators, a 
man of great information in legal matters, and of general common 
sense. The President was at a loss how to displace him, until the 
unfortunate Senator requested, on the plea of ill health, to be 
allowed to travel for two years abroad, stipulating, however, that 
he should resume his office and duties on his return. This tlie 
President very readily agreed to, expecting never to see his opponent 
again. The necessary permission was obtained from the Govern- 
ment for foreign travel ; but no sooner had the obnoxious Senator 
departed from Moscow, than his perfidious enemy intrigued to de- 
prive him of his honours, and at once succeeded. The Senate, 
according to Dolgoroukow, appears to be divided into various 
complicated departments. It is thoroughly corrupt in its admini- 
stration, and the laws, owing to their extreme voluminousness, are 
often obscure and even contradictory, having been made at a period 
when, in most countries of Europe, the noble as well as the serf 
was ignorant both of reading and writing, and it was thought 
beneath men to be occupied with any other business than that of 
war. In other countries, the laws have been gradually remedied by 
use, by correction of judges, by the pleadings and explanations of 
able lawyers ; but in Eussia, no one is considered to have the right 
of altering and revising the laws except the Emperor. Thus many 
things remain in a state inapplicable to the wants of the present 
age, and many important rights, such as that of succession to the 
throne, have been undefined until a very late period. 

Dolgoroukow has taken the pains of making a long extract from 
Monsieur Herzen's Catherine 11,"^ in order to prove that, in the 
middle of the last century, not even the highest man in the State 
could tell, " when he closed his eyes at night, whom he would find on 
the throne in the morning." This confusion in Eussian law is, w'ith- 
out doubt, owing to the want of free discussion ; an assembly to 
revise it ; and lawyers to plead the causes of clients in open Court. 
In fact, all legal cases appear to be carried on in wa-iting and 
in secret. 

The gloomy picture which Dolgoroukow has thus drawn, though 
perhaps exaggerated, is used as a means for venting the ill humour 
of an exiled and disappointed man. It must not be lost sight of 
that if the Eussians have sometimes filled great offices with bad men 
by intrigue and cabal, they have as often appointed w^ell-qualified 
foreigners, when they lacked talent amongst their own people. Thus 

* Memoirs of the Empress Catherine II, written by herself, with Preface by 
A. Herzen. Triibuer and Co. 60, Paternoster Row, 1869. 



172 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

Pozzo di Borgo"^ guided their diplomatic policy throughout the last 
war, and, by his able management in the cabinetj contributed not a 
little towards repelling Napoleon's terrible attack in 1812, and thus 
gained for Eussia an influence in European politiss, after the struggle 
was over, which it had never previously enjoyed. Again, Barclay de 
Tolly, a general of Scotch extraction, saved St. Petersburg from the 
fate of Moscow, and the empire from being conquered by the 
[French; whilst Mackenzie, the noted Scotch engineer, made 
Sebastopol a Gibraltar of the Crimea, and enabled it successfully 
to resist the combined efforts of the armies of England and Prance. 
Our author should therefore pause before he blames his Government 
for its " bad selections to great offices." 

Dolgoroukow turns with considerable feeling to the consideration 
of the serf population. The lower orders of Europe, as is well 
known, were all in a state of servitude during the middle ages, 
though they subsequently gained their freedom through the kind- 
ness of their masters, and by their gradual increase in wealth and 
influence. In England, serfdom was not totally abolished until the 
reign of Charles II ; and in Prance, not until that of Louis XVI ; 
whilst in other countries it gradually vanished, as feudalism dis- 
appeared. Strange enough, it has lasted up to our own time both in 
Poland and Eussia, two countries in which it had never been 
established. The condition of the ordinary Russian serf, where the 
master is kind and knows his own interest, is anything but miserable, 
he being spared by his servitude from many of the cares which 
embarrass the poorer classes in other countries of Europe. The serfs 
on the crown domains, however, are handed over to the care of 
government officials, who make as much profit as they can out of 
their labour. If we are to believe our author, very heavy imposts 
are laid upon them, and they groan under severe restrictions ; 
they are unable to appeal against the treatment of their superiors, 
and cannot obtain redress for their grievances, as their lot is cast 
in a country where every thing yields to money and influence. 

Our author complains much of the hindrance placed in the way 
of emancipation by what he calls the Bureaucracy ; a set of persons 
who possess considerable power, from their noble birth and family 
connections. The bureaucracy does not appear to have assumed 
an organized form until 1683, when the Emperor Theodore insti- 
tuted the Tchine, an order composed of a number of nobles, and 
from which all officers and counsellors of state were selected. When 
Peter the Great began his schemes of civihzation and aggrandisement, 
and invited eminent foreigners from all parts of Europe to assist him 

* Kotice sur la Vie duComte C. A. Pozzo di Borgo, par B. H. R. Capefigue. 
Paris, 1844. Biographie Universelle de Michaud — Article, Pozzo di Borgo. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 173 

in his laudable undertaking, it was then found to be a necessary, 
though difficult, task to reward valuable foreign servants of the 
empire. Of course, the Tchine opposed these innovations, though 
Peter's vigour, perseverance, and firmness enabled him to overcome 
all obstacles and to subdue their resistance. Succeeding monarchs, 
down to the time of Paul I, though they followed in Peter's foot- 
steps, were nevertheless continually hampered by the power of this 
highly conservative body. "When Paul came to the throne, his 
absurd notions of imperial prerogative induced him to place all 
offices in the hands of court favourites and the great chamberlains. 
On his death, it appears that Alexander I abolished many posts 
about the court, and apparently augmented his own power. In 
spite, however, of all his endeavours, he fell more than ever into the 
hands of the bureaucracy. Dolgoroukow well remarks " that in no 
country are there more counsellors than in Eussia, and in none is 
advice so little followed." Thus, real merit, has no chance of 
advancement, owing to the intrigues of this hierarchy of place- 
holders. The career of young men in Eussia cannot be compared 
with that in other countries of Europe. In free states, men have 
a greater choice of occupation, and more chance of advancement by 
their own merit. Most of the youths of Eussia, who are not em- 
ployed in military service, are obliged to engage in that of the 
state, either in public offices, or as diplomatists. In both cases, they 
for a long time copy the letters of their superiors, and go through 
years of tedious routine, not at all suited to men of ability. They are 
liable to be dismissed at any moment, without the slightest assigned 
reason, at the caprice of their superiors ; whilst merit, honesty and 
talent, are entirely overlooked, if not combined with influential 
interest. Those who advance, are practised intriguers and adepts in 
fraud of every kind. Be the promotion ever so rapid, no man can 
hope to attain a high post in his department until he has reached a 
considerable age, and then he is too firmly rooted in his bad habits 
to desire reform. Even against his better judgment, he usually ex- 
claims, with the old Erench noble, " apres moi le deluge." 

With this introduction, our author takes up the important 
theme of slavery, and suggests a parallel between Eussia and the 
United States. In both countries the difficulty of emancipation 
consists in " otherwise obtaining a supply of hands to perform the 
necessary labour." Both have equally to dread the revolution and 
anarchy which would follow from an imprudent and too rapid change. 
Our author gives a long and terrible account of the tyranny and mal- 
treatment of the serfs under the paternal government of the Emperor 
Nicholas. It seems that, although their condition resembles in some 



174 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

measure the serfs of Europe during the middle ages, yet there are no 
means by which they can be easily emancipated. The original people 
of the Roman provinces were reduced to servitude by the various bar- 
barous tribes who ,conquered them ; and, like the Russian serfs, were 
afterwards attached to lands which they were allowed to till. Thus 
they were permitted to enjoy a third of the produce, and were gra- 
dually freed by the indulgence of masters, who permitted them to 
acquire land and to gain wealth. In Russia, however, the serf owns 
nothing ; whilst there are no laws to create for him a landed tenure 
by which he may gradually obtain liberty. On the other hand, he 
never possesses even the most scanty means for purchasing his eman- 
cipation, no fixed price being settled by law. Thus he is little better 
off than the kidnapped negro from the African shore. Attached to 
land he cannot buy, he has neither prospect of freedom by law or by 
the indulgence of his master. It appears that this kind of servitude 
did not exist in Russia until three centuries ago, though it has been 
much increased since 180S. It was probably brought about by con- 
quest, when the Russians drove out their Tartar masters and ex- 
tended their own frontiers. It was not until 1855, that the nobles of 
Yilna, Grodno, and other provinces near Prussia, petitioned the Czar to 
emancipate their serfs. Alexander II, who seems to be an enlightened 
and benevolent Prince, at once set about solving this great question. 
' He ordered committees to assemble in St. Petersburg and Moscow, as 
well as in the various provinces of the empire, " to inquire into the con- 
dition of the serfs, and the best method of giving them their freedom." 
The Bureaucracy as well as the nobles were at once terrified by such 
bold and determined measures, and accordingly endeavoured to post- 
pone the consideration of the question by the pretended discovery of 
a conspiracy among the serfs. This expedient had often been used 
with success during the reign of Nicholas, whose administration 
was much disturbed at its commencement by numerous plots, the 
object of which was to replace Constantine on the throne which he 
had abdicated. Finding that the preseat Czar and his Government were 
not to be deterred from attempting reforms, the Bureaucracy proposed 
to emancipate the serfs without land ; a measure which would put 
slaves entirely under the authority of their masters. It then endeavoured 
artfully to turn the subject which the different committees were to 
consider, by changing the words, in the royal manifesto, of " emanci- 
pation of the serfs,'' into that of " ameliorating the condition of the 
peasants.'-' This gave quite a new power to the Bureaucracy, and en- 
abled them to appoint many of its most powerful partisans as members 
of tlie commission. The committee continued its labours, but the 
Bureaucracy still further impeded its progress, and, bit by bit. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 175 

gained a large majority of votes in favour of the olJ state of matters. 
There were still, however, a few enlightened spirits, five of whom 
drew up a report, in which they recomniended the emancipation 
of the serfs toith land, the reform of abuses in the local police and 
administration, the freedom of the press, and ma7ii/ general privi- 
leges. These bold measures were calculated to injure the povver of 
the Crown ; so that when they were presented to the Minister of the 
Interior and the Supervising Commission, they were dismissed with 
contempt. It uow became a question whether the Czar should rule 
alone or with the assistance of the Bureaucracy. In fact, he was 
placed in much the same position towards his nobles, as the old 
feudal sovereigns of the middle ages — with this difference, that the 
latter could more easily use force in coercing their Barons, whilst the 
Czar failed to reduce his Boyards. The Bureaucracy are now 
anxious that the serfs should be emancipated, but clogged with what 
our author calls " ohligatory labour." Such a liberation would be 
merely nominal ; it would involve the serf and his employer in 
never-ending law-suits, the chief wealth of a Russian noble being- 
derived from the labour of his slaves, and the tribute which is 
levied on them. To this is to be traced the extreme unwillingness 
of all Eussian nobles to free their slaves. 

Our author next discusses the best method of indemnifying the 
proprietors for the loss they would sustain by the liberation of their 
serfs. He thinks " that an indemnity might be paid to them by the 
state; that the debt thus incurred might be ultimately liquidated by 
the produce and sale of the crown lands, by the public revenues of 
the state, which, hitherto collected by a system of the most sliameful 
fraud and corruption, could be carefully administered ; and by a 
small payment out of the earnings of the emancipated serfs from 
their lands." Thus, emancipation might be real and effectual ; the 
territories of each provuice could be divided into lots and distributed 
to the serfs at the time of their freedom. We fully concur in all 
these suggestions ; but cannot go the length of believing 
that emancipation is essential to the preservation of the Eussian 
empire. The Czar must proceed with great caution in so vast 
a question, and determine whether the serf shall be emancipated 
with or without land, — by what tenure he shall hold such 
land, and whether liberation shall be purchased at 'fixed price, — 
or the state burdened with the indemnity payable to the master. 
Dolgoroukow is strongly in favour of liberation tvit7i land; 
and quotes the example of Eussian and Prussian Poland. 
In the former, it is merely nominal, as the serfs have no posses- 
sions; whilst, in the latter, it is working well in a contrary 
direction. When all these points shall have been maturely discussed 



176 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

by tlie Russian Government, and have been legally and well defined, 
the Emperor can then commence, and not till then, a gradual and 
lasting emancipation. 

There is also another consideration which our author has over- 
looked ; viz. the want of education amongst ths serfs, and their un- 
fitness for the enjoyment of liberty. At present, the serf possesses 
neither money nor land ; his wants are chiefly supplied by his owner. 
Under a new state of things, he would be obliged to labour and 
provide for himself — a task not easily accomplished. 

From the consideration of the serfs, our author turns to that 
of the Russian States General and the Russian Constitution of 
the earliest periods down to the present time. Russian history, 
owing to the difficulty of obtaining references, and to the long 
exclusion of Europeans from the Russian Empire, must at all 
times be an obscure study, if not a sealed book; but we were 
not prepared to hear, until we perused the volume before us, 
that the Muscovites thus early had so perfect a States General. 
He commences with the assertion that the diff'erent towns of 
Russia were, in early times, chiefly huts of wood and mud; 
and, owing to their unfortified condition, much exposed to the 
attacks of the wandering Asiatic tribes. At length, the conqueror 
Ruric, appearing in the northern districts about the end of the ninth 
century, overthrew, with the aid of his northmen, all the Russian 
tribes, and established the capital on the lake Ladoga; on this 
he built a strong tower, the remains of which are known to this 
day as the "Fortress of Ruric." He, like the other northmen 
sovereigns, divided the lands of the conquered race amongst his 
followers ; and these estates were called " appanages ; " and those 
who held them, " the Princes of the Appanage." This nobility does 
not seem, however, to have been hereditary ; the inheritance, 
both of the estates and of the crown, went from eldest brother to 
eldest brother in succession, instead of from father to son in direct 
line. Such a succession, as might have been expected, caused 
great dissension, and threatened the state of Russia with annihila- 
tion. In other respects, however, the rule of Ruric seems to have 
been mild and equitable. The serf's condition had not yet become 
intolerable, and corporal punishment was little known. This state 
of things lasted until the 13th century, when the country was 
invaded and subdued by the Tartars, and the house of Ruric over- 
thrown ; though the various chiefs to whom " appanages " had been 
granted were allowed to remain. 

The Princes of Moscow now became powerful, owing to their 
purchasing and conquering some of the petty states. They were 
considered to be the ruling family of the country, and as such 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 177 

had to levy the tribute imposed on the Russians by the Tartar Klian 
and his tribe of the Golden Horde. According to our author, all 
Russian princes had to pay an annual visit to this haughty chief, to 
offer an annual tribute, and render the most degrading homage. 
Uiider these Tartar rulers, all classes of the Russian people were 
oppressed and reduced to a state of servitude, though corporal 
punishments were not introduced. Slavery was, however, increased 
by the Grand Duke John III, who, marrying a Greek princess, intro- 
duced the extravagant ideas of prerogative which were entertained 
by the Byzantine emperors. It was not until the 16th century that 
the Muscovites successfully threw off the degrading Tartar yoke, 
under John IV"^, who seems to have been a prince of great 
vigour, but became, towards the end of his reign, extremely tyran- 
nical. He first assumed the title of Czar, the other Russian sove- 
reigns having been known up to that period as Great Princes or 
Grand Dukes. 

During this reign, we first hear of the sovereign having called 
to his councils the States General, composed of the bishops, the 
abbots, the higher clergy, the Boyards, of both classes (those with 
and those without titles), and deputies from towns. The powers 
of this assembly, however, were hmited. It was chiefly called toge- 
ther to consider the code of laws collected by John IV. In the reign 
of Theodore 1, who was a weak prince, it advanced in power. He, 
however, was followed by an impostor, known as the Pseudo 
Demetrius ; many competitors also arising to contend with him for 
the crown. 

About this period the Poles and Swedes invaded Russia; the 
roads were everywhere infested with brigands, and commerce with 
other countries was entirely arrested. Of course this was just such 
a crisis as would prove advantageous for putting forward popular 
rights and principles, and for the nobles to acquire power at the 
expense of the crown. Such a period had been made use of 
by the nobles in England, Scotland, France, Germany, Italy, 
and Spain, during the turbulent days of the middle ages; and 
in our own country especially, we principally owe our excellent 
constitution to the good use made by the barons of such dis- 
turbed periods as the minorities of Henry III and Richard II. In 
Russia, the nobles were fully alive to the advantages which such 
a time gave them ; and the States General was accordingly assembled, 
to consult as to the best methods of putting an end to the disturb- 
ances. It made a treaty with the Poles and Swedes, by which 
they were obhged to cede large portions of territory; in return 



* Le Grand Due Jean IV (1534—1584). 

A A 



178 RUSSIA AS IT JS. 

for which, the Poles obtained a necessary tranquillity. The States 
General then resolved, after long deliberation, to elect Michel Eo- 
manow, the son of the Patriarch, Sovereign of Eussia.'^ Being a 
youth of only twelve years of age, they invested him with the so- 
vereignty on their own terms. He was unable to put any one to 
death, could confiscate no estates, could engage in no wars, nor 
contract treaties, without the deliberation and consent of his States 
General. Further, all criminals were confronted with their accusers. 
This was a most extensive charter of liberties, and was duly conceded 
during Michel's minority. The States General governed from 1613 
to 1619, vigorously and prosperously. Dolgoroukow remarks that 
it made the great mistake of attempting to establish a free govern- 
ment for the higher classes, whilst the great mass of the people 
remained in hopeless servitude. As for the condition of the serfs, 
there were but two classes : prisoners made in war, and tlie 
voluntary serfs who had taken to that condition to escape 
the miseries of poverty. At a later period, they were divided 
into domestic serfs, who might be sold like negroes; and the 
serfs who cultivated lands, and who were permanently attached to 
the soil. Michel soon ended the charter, by exiling those who 
had drawn it up; and he, as well as his successors, Alexis and 
Theodore II, diminished the power of the States General, by 
adopting the same policy as the Tudors did with the English Par- 
liament, by calling it together only at distant periods of time 
and on great occasions. It met for the last time in the 17th 
century, under Theodore III, eldest brother of Peter the Great, in 
1682. 

Peter the Great, although he was a reformer, was, neverthe- 
less, a tyrant. He came to the throne in one of those crises 
when it is more necessary to have a firm and able ruler than a 
good sovereign. It was a question, in his day, whether Eussia 
should remain an Asiatic and semi-barbarous empire, or become 
a civilized and European state. While Peter did much to en- 
lighten and improve his people, he, nevertheless, took care that 
his authority should not be in the slightest degree diminished ; and 
while he obliged his nobles to adopt European customs and man- 
ners, he stiU kept servitude and corporal punishment in full force. 
Even the Imperial family were often subjected to the latter. Peter 
did not hesitate even to inflict the bastinado on his sisters, and 
to torture and put to death his own son for resenting his uncon- 
trollable temper. 

Dolgoroukow tells us that Peter II, who died in 1730, 

* Michael Romanow (1605—1618). 



IIUSSIA AS IT IS. 179 

was the last of the Eomanow family. The nobles considered 
this event as a happy period for again attempting to curb the 
arbitrary power of the crown. As all Peter's heirs were females, 
and as nothing could be ascertained from him as to his successor, 
the nobles assembled at Moscow, and deliberated whether they 
should offer the crown to Ann, Duchess of Courland, or to the 
Princess Ehzabeth, and as to what conditions should be imposed 
on these persons in the event of their acceptance of the crown. 
The Princes, Dolgoroukow and Galitzin — who were the most power- 
ful chiefs amongst the nobles — united, and their partizans readily 
agreed upon limiting the prerogative of the crown, although they dis- 
agreed as to the mode in which it was to be effected. Some desired 
that the sovereign should reign with the assistance of a council, in 
whose hands the real government of tlie country should be placed ; 
others desired that the nobles should be called together in a 
senate of two chambers ; whilst a third and very small party were 
for preserving the authority of the crown in statu quo. None 
thought of giving a share in the legislature either to the serfs or to 
the clergy. A charter was at length drawn up by wliich nobles were 
to be formed into a senate, and the Czar was to rule with the assistance 
of a council. The sovereign agreed to these concessions; but, as 
the nobles were neither supported by the clergy nor the serfs, and 
were often at enmity with the former, they failed to establish a really 
strong government. The Empress Ann, on arriving at Moscow, at 
once released herself from her engagements, and abolished the 
charter as soon as she found herself firmly seated on the Eussian 
throne. She and her successor, the Empress Elizabeth (1762), 
governed all classes of the Eussian people with the most absolule 
sway. 

Peter III (a foreigner), on his accession, finding it expedient 
to ingratiate himself with the nobles, abolished all the restrictions 
which they complained of, as well as the secret Chancellerie then so 
powerful at St. Petersburgh. On his dethronement and murder by 
his wife, the celebrated Catherine II, the prerogative of the crown 
was restored to its full force ; and, though she called together tlie 
States General, in 1767, for the last time, she, like the rest, soon found 
the necessity of proroguing it, as she affirmed " that it unnecessarily 
lost time in talk." She M^ould doubtless have retained all her power, 
had it not been for the rising of the serfs on the Volga, when she 
learned that it was requisite to obtain a large party amongst the 
nobles, if she desired to establish her authority. She therefore granted 
new concessions, the right of assembling in the provinces every 
three years to discuss the laws, and to elect judges and the great 
Marshals of Noblesse. These were in reality but trifling concessions. 



180 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

as the judges were completely under the control of the governors; 
and, even in criminal cases, they could only decide as commanded by 
the higher authorities ; no appeals could be made in any case without 
bribery and corruption. These so-called privileges were, thus, in- 
significant, though by their means Catherine obtained her object. 
The brilliancy of her achievements abroad so glossed over tyranny 
at home, that it was imperceptible to foreigners. 

Catherine, on her death, in 1796, was succeeded by her son, 
Paul, concerning whose character there seems to be a great diversity 
of opinion. All readers of Russian history have been led to look on 
Paul as the most arbitrary and absurd of tyrants, and his mea- 
sures as emanating from the fears and depressions of a diseased 
mind. Dolgoroukow would have us, however, believe that in 
early life Paul was a prince of great ability and enlightened views. 
His education had been committed to the charge of a celebrated 
Russian politician who had long resided in Sweden, where he 
imbibed liberal opinions, and great admiration for the laws and 
institutions of a constitutional monarchy, which he had instilled 
into the mind of his pupil. Paul was still further urged to adopt 
a liberal pohcy by his wife, a German princess, a clever woman 
of great amiability of character. It is stated that with her help 
and that of his tutor, who filled the post of minister of foreign 
affairs, Paul drew up a constitution, by which legislative powers 
were placed in the hands of the Senate. He did not, however, 
venture on the bold scheme of emancipating the serfs. Had 
his constitution been established, it would only have merged 
into a strong oligarchy as tyrannical as the despotism exercised 
by the crown. It was never destined to see the light, as it 
was contrary to the views of Catherine II. The unfortunate 
princess who induced Paul to draw it up died early, hated and 
persecuted by the Empress, to whom, according to many, was 
owing her premature death. There is, however, according to our 
author, no foundation for this accusation. Paul, who was much 
attached to his wife, was thrown into great grief by the event; 
he did not, however, remain long unmarried, but espoused a 
Russian princess. The old Russian party again regained its full 
sway, and again filled the monarch's head with those absurd 
ideas of prerogative which led to his untimely end. Paul, how- 
ever, rendered a great service to the Russian people by settling 
the succession to the crown; a fact which Prince Dolgoroukow 
has passed over in silence. By his edict, all males were to suc- 
ceed according to seniority, before any female was allowed 
to occupy the throne. Many leaders conspired to put him to 
death, in the hope of establishing a liberal government ; and for 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 181 

tliat purpose they offered the crown to his son, Alexander, who was 
favourable to the establishment of a popular constitution. 

According to our author, the Emperor Alexander was a man of 
weak character, with a good heart ; he possessed manyprinccly accom- 
plishments, which made him generally popular, though he was truly 
described by Napoleon when he accused him of duplicity. The 
early part of his reign was passed in drawing up liberal schemes 
which never became law ; and Sir Archibald Alison, who has given 
a most favourable view of his character, states that he was afraid to 
carry out the idea of emancipating the serfs, for fear of dangers that 
might follow. Every one who has read the history of tlie early part 
of the 19lh century is aware of the great part which he took in 
arresting the march of French ambition. He largely increased the 
power of Russia, by supporting, in the early part of his reign, the 
Emperor Napoleon, and by concluding the treaty of Tilsit, which 
gave him time to conquer Finland and Bessarabia. He saved his 
country, in 1812, by his measures at Moscow ; and gained for it 
power amongst the German states, by joining the allies and by his 
campaigns in 1813 and 1814. This influenced the mind of Louis 
XVIII ; whose intrigues, and those of his minister at Paris, in 
1814 and 1815, have been well described by Mons. Guizot. The 
last years of his reign were passed in revising his early policy, and 
he died in the year 1825, in the Crimea. His last days have been 
rendered familiar to English readers by the excellent narrative of 
that eminent man of science, J3r. Robert Lee. No foreigner is, 
perhaps, so well acquainted with Russian manners, customs, and 
politics, as that physiciaji ; and certainly no one could have given 
a clearer history of that most difficult crisis in Russian history."^ 

The Grand Duke Constantine, as the next heir, was placed on 
the Russian throne. He abdicated almost as soon as he had ascended 
it, though the motives which induced him to adopt this policy have 
never been clearly explained. If one may judge from his conduct 
during the Polish war, it was not occasioned by feelings of moderation. 
He displayed, during that period, as much desire for power as any of 
his race, and his actions showed that he lacked neither courage nor 
ability, notwithstanding the many eccentricities of his character. 
As it was extremely difficult in those days, when neither railroads 
nor the electric wire were known, to convey news in a short 
time over so vast a territory as that between the northern and 
southern ends of the Russian Empire, few were aware of the 
abdication of Constantine, or what was going on in the capital 
of St. Petersburgh. Many nobles rose to support him, whilst others, 

* The last Days of Alexander, and the first Days of Nicholas, by Robert Lee , 
M.D. F.R.S. 2nd ed. London, 1854. 



183 E,T]SS1A AS IT IS. 

art St. Petersburgh, thouglit this a favourable moment for carrying 
out their liberal views, and for establishing a constitutional govern- 
ment, if not a republic. A provisional government was elected, and 
a council of thirty-one was appointed ; the national guard was or- 
ganised, and the chambers were called together. Nicholas, however, 
fortunately for himself, arrived in time to crush the movement before 
it had gained strength, and to raise upon it a still more arbitrary 
government than had yet been known. Dolgoroukow praises the 
enlightenment, the public spirit, and the boldness, displayed by the 
members of the Chamber at this critical period, and bitterly laments 
their misfortunes. Their estates were confiscated, and they were all 
packed off to Siberia. 

The height to which Nicholas's power had attained, and the 
tyranny which he displayed in exercising it, is well illustrated by 
what occurred to Dolgoroukow himself, if his narrative be true. It 
appears that, in 1 843, having pubhshed, whilst at Paris, a pamphlet 
against the Eussian Government, and having been overheard by a 
spy using strong expressions against the Emperor, which were 
reported to the authorities "at head quarters, he was ordered home, 
and at once obeyed the imperial command. On his papers being 
examined and no treasonable correspondence discovered, the Em- 
peror determined to have his revenge, and tried to prove him 
insane. Failing in this attempt, he offered him an insignificant 
post in the government of Tafna, in order that he might remain 
under the surveillance of the secret police, Dolgoroukow, who well 
understood the Czar's object, at once refused this offer, quoting an 
article in the Russian constitution, which allows a noble to decline 
the acceptance of civil, military, and diplomatic appointments. He 
was then banished to the same province of Tafna ; and, although 
not publicly flogged, as many have asserted, he was nevertheless 
treated with great cruelty. 

We consider, on reviewing this chapter, that the Russians have 
failed in establishing a liberal constitution from three causes : 

I. They had no definite laws, as in England, to be confirmed 
by a Magna Charta, whereon to erect a free constitution. 

II. They desired to have a liberal constitution, without abolish- 
ing the servitude under which the lower orders of the people groaned ; 
an anomaly which could neither exist in theory nor practice. 

III. The supporters of a liberal government were at variance 
with each other as to the constitution which ought to be established. 

We cannot say if a liberal constitution would be a real advan- 
tage to the Russian Empire, as there are so many considerations to 
be taken into account before such a question could be well decided ; 
but, if it be necessary, it must be gradaal to be permanent. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS. 183 

Prince Dolgoroukow now turns to the consideration of the pri- 
vileges of those nobles whose cowardice, feebleness, and selfishness, 
according to his own account, have disabled them from acquiring 
power for themselves or freedom for their fellow subjects. He tells 
us that they are, together with the Bourgeoisie, merchants, and 
the rest of the middle classes, exempt from corporal punishment, 
an immunity conceded to them by the States General in 1767. 
They seem to be the only class which the law acknowledges to 
have a right of possessing serfs ; they may accept posts in the civil, 
military, and diplomatic services of the country, if the government 
choose to appoint them, and retire if the same government will per- 
mit them. They may also demand permission to travel, and obtain 
passports, if the authorities do not refuse to grant them ; they may 
assemble to administer the affairs of the provinces, appoint the 
judges of the provincial courts, and elect their own marshals. All 
these privileges, however, amount to nothing, as they do not possess 
power independent of the crown. Had they asserted their rights to 
give council to their sovereign on his internal and external policy, to 
assemble and deliberate on the measures to be passed for the benefit 
of their country, that would have been a step towards influence, and 
would have opened the door for further improvements and conces- 
sions. Had this been the case, Eussia might at this time be in the 
full enjoyment of a liberal and popular constitution, instead of all 
classes being reduced to servitude to the crown. 

From the nobles, our author turns to the consideration of the 
middle classes, and to the mayors and municipalities of the towns and 
provinces. They seem to have been long established, but to possess 
little power beyond that of receiving the Emperor and presenting 
petitions to him when he visits their towns. They are treated with 
great haughtiness by the governors of provinces, and with utter 
contempt by the district generals. In fact, Dolgoroukow gives an 
anecdote which fully illustrates the harshness and indifference sliown 
to them by the representatives of Imperial authority. When the 
municipality went to congratulate a governor on his arrival at his 
new government, he replied, " Gentlemen, you are a set of rogues, 
which fact you know as well as I do. I would advise you to 
take care how you discharge the duties of your office, as I shall 
visit with the greatest severity all those officers of my province who 
neglect the performance of their functions." If the magistrates of 
the people are treated with such disdain by the higher authorities, 
they will hardly retain the respect of those whose rights they are 
appointed to protect ; and they are thus unfitted to hold any great 
extent of power, were it granted to them. The fact is, that the 



184 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

Russians are prepared, neither by education nor by wealth, as our 
countrymen in England in the days of the Stuarts, to obtain their 
own freedom for themselves, by vigorously resisting the assumption 
of the crown, and by firmly requiring that those laws which have 
granted them any degree of liberty should be put into full force, and 
not remain a dead letter. 

Prom the consideration of the Bourgeoisie, our author gives us 
an insight into the military organization of Russia, of which he says 
the Emperor Nicholas was the founder. He accuses this sovereign 
of having filled a number of civil offices with military men, who were 
not fitted by their previous profession to administer the duties of such 
departments; and that these ill-placed generals were men of very 
ordinary capacity in a military point of view, who had acquired their 
position by interest, court intrigue, and corruption. Even the min- 
ister of war was a feeble old man,who, though he possessed experience 
and some military talent, was yet too old, weak, and passe to prevent 
the raal-administration which every day took place in his department. 
Dolgoroukow blames, in very strong terms, the conduct of the 
government with regard to the army employed in the Crimean war, 
assuring us that the money that M^as intended for the purchase 
of hay, corn, horses, and provisions, invariably found its way into 
the pockets of employes, instead of being spent in necessaries for 
the campaign. The oxen which were furnished to the troops were 
augmented in nominal value by the preparation they underwent 
before reaching their destination ; and those soldiers who had the 
misfortune to be wounded during the war, were carried to their 
hospitals in rough wooden carts, and taken no more care of than 
if they were so many dogs. When dead, their corpses were 
kept in cellars for weeks without burial, in order that their 
allowances might be claimed by the of&cialsj whilst fictitious 
sums were charged for the medicines and necessaries of dead men, 
which sums were divided amongst the lying of&cers of the commis- 
sariat. The officers of regiments were treated, in many cases, most 
tyrannically by their colonels ; and although they were always asked 
whether they were satisfied with the treatment they received, this was 
no test of their truth. The men, likewise, had no opportunity of com- 
plaint, as they well knew that were they to lodge a grievance with 
their commanding officer, they would only receive severe punishment 
for daring to murmur. It is hard to believe all this sad ac- 
count of the military administration of Russia. This is not the 
army which struck terror into the hearts of the fierce Turks, 
the chivalrous Poles, and the gallant Caucasian mountaineers ; or 



EUSSIA AS IT IS. . 185 

tliat contended against the civilized nations of Europe, in 1814 and 
1815. This cannot be the army which worsted such generals as 
Suvaroff, Barclay de Tolly, Begration, and many others, whose cou- 
rage and military capacity would have done honour to the armies of 
Prederic the Great of Prussia, or even those of Napoleon himself. 

The description given by Dolgoroukow of the Russian finances 
is doubtless true. In Russia, the sovereign has an unlimited com- 
naand of money, and his expenses are not enquired into. Thus 
economy is not the rule, even in the most peaceable and ordinary 
times ; and, after such a contest as the Crimean war, the resources 
of tlie empire were taxed to the utmost. It is not at all surprising 
that Russia should have brought upon herself more than ordinary 
financial difficulties, that she should have contracted loans, which she 
had no possible means of paying ; that she should have issued a 
debased currency and a large paper circulation, and thus be near 
bankruptcy itself. 

She is not, however, in a worse condition than Trance at the 
beginning of every reign of the Bourbons, from the days of Henry 
IV, to those of Louis XVI; though it is to be hoped that 
Russia, like Trance, will overcome her financial difficulties and 
eventually regain her credit by peace and commerce. Dolgo- 
roukow does not give us much hope concerning the future, as he 
avows that the Russian merchants are cramped at home by the re- 
strictions and monopolies of their government. Still they possess 
application and perseverance, though they lack the enterprise so 
eminently displayed by the Anglo-Saxon race in all their commercial 
undertakings. He complains in bitter terms of the extravagance of 
the members of the royal family in their home expenditure and 
foreign journeys ; considering that, as long as sach expenses are 
incurred, it will be useless to talk of economy, or of limiting the 
outlay of the crown. It is an undoubted fact that Russia has more 
to gain by developing her resources, by cultivating the arts of peace, 
and by rivalling the rest of the world in commerce and civilization, 
than in acquiring territorial possessions. Dolgoroukow goes on to 
tell us of one of the most fruitful sources of revenue, viz. the con- 
sumption of ardent spirits. The farmers of brandy furnish most 
ample means for fiUing the exchequer, and are a most extortion- 
ate set of tax-gatherers. It appears that they pay the presidents 
of the provincial assemblies, whose duty it is to look after the sale 
of spirits, large suras of money for their licenses. They also have 
to supply tlie police of the province and other officials. When these 
cx])enses have been niet, they still have to ])ay a very heavy duty on 
llie importation of brandy, which duty amounted to as much as 

B B 



186 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

120 million roubles during the past year. The tax on spirits has 
occasioned such general discontent, that the Czar and his counsellors 
may find it expedient to abolish it, notwithstanding the great loss 
of revenue. Yet this brandy tax is, in our opinion, by no means an 
oppressive one, if moderately levied. It presses on what may be 
called a luxury ; no one need feel it unless he choose. That it is in- 
jurious to health and morals, we are willing to admit ; but it has 
been thought, in our own free country, a splendid means of reple- 
nishing an empty exchequer ; and even Gladstone, with all his high- 
flown notions of morality, does not scruple to make use of it. 

Our author now turns to the subject which is more exclusively 
domestic; viz. the secret police and its spies. He contends that it 
is an erroneous impression to suppose that the government gains 
anything by the employment of spies, as they deceive their employers 
as well as those whom they are employed to detect. " Money and 
power is their object, and their profession is to tell lies to attain 
these ends." Every one who has visited Russia must have felt the 
inconvenience caused by his words and actions being so closely 
M'atched. If foreigners, who can only be punished by being sent out 
of the country, feel this so keenly, what must those feel who can be 
subjected, for an imprudent word, to imprisonment, or exile for life? 
This secret police has only existed in its present state since the be- 
ginning of the reign of the Emperor Nicholas. Formerly its duties 
were discharged by the secret chancellerie at St. Petersburg. This 
was, however, abolished by Alexander I ; and Nicholas, who con- 
tinually feared that the government would be overthrown by insur- 
rections, formed a stronger and more secret police, at the head of 
which he placed an aid-de-camp of his own, a general in the army, 
on whose services he could fully rely, and who would be ready to act 
decisively. The secret police adopted a most iniquitous and arbitrary 
course in order to secure both victims and money. As soon as 
they suspected any unfortunate individual of machinations against 
the government, they at once seized and threw him into prison, 
where, after examination, they informed him that there were many 
prisoners like himself whose trial would have priority to his own, and 
thus extorted money, and tampered with the official list. When the 
prisoner was at length examined, nothing was neglected to make 
him confess his supposed guilt. As for the strict regulations to 
which every traveller has been subjected, on entering Eussia, by 
this secret police, they are too well known to need comment here. 
We would only observe, that they make Russia one of the most 
isolated countries in Eui'ope, and render the Russians suspicious 
even of their best friends, their nearest and dearest relatives, and 
their most tried and faithful servants. 



RUSSIA AS IT IS, 187 

Dolgoroukow's remarks on the liberiij of the press are some- 
what amusing. All books tliat were freely admitted during the 
reign of Alexander I were strictly prohibited in that of his successor, 
Nicholas ; and no journal is allowed even to use the word tyrant. 
When describing the events of Roman history, Tiberius and Caligula 
rank as saints amongst the schools of the Eussian empire. It 
appears that every journal is submitted, before publication, to severe 
censorship by the minister; the office of censor and minister of in- 
struction being one and the same. It was held, in the early part of 
Nicholas's reign, by a man of enlightened views, who endeavoured 
to give to the students in the schools and universities the most 
extensive education which could be obtained under the close 
restrictions of the Russian government. When, however, the panic 
occasioned by the revolutions of 1848 occurred, he was succeeded 
by a narrow-minded man, whose chief object was to enforce the 
authority of the Czar, and who cared not what education the 
students received, so long as his object was attained. Under his 
authority, severe measures were adopted against the press, and very 
limited instruction given to the Russian youth. Many great 
writers were exiled to Siberia, on account of their over-liberal 
opinions, and many died of ill-treatment there. Our author's 
statements have been unfortunately verified, by an anecdote which 
was told to us by one of Her Majesty's consuls at Riga. It appears 
that the students of that city petitioned the Czar to grant them a 
larger staff of professors. The sovereign, however, took no notice 
of their request; but, instead of augmenting their number, des- 
patched three regiments of infantry, and a battery of artillery, to 
increase the garrison, and tlius overawed "students who had 
imbibed such Hberal opinions." Although we agree in thinking 
that the liberty of the press should be restricted in governments 
like France and Russia, we still think, with Dolgoroukow, that 
the course pursued by the ministers of Nicholas was utterly wrong. 
It can tend to no good purpose, whilst it discourages the efforts 
of men of learning, and deprives the state of the services of culti- 
vated intellects. 

The rights and privileges of one of the most important classes 
of the community, viz. the clergy, is but touched on in the 
volumes before us. It is an error to suppose that the Czar is 
the supreme head of the church ; he is so de jure, though not de 
facto. No one but the unfortunate Paul has dared openly to claim 
such a power. The church has always claimed and exercised a cer- 
tain degree of independence in its legislature, ever since the Russians 
were converted to Christianity, about the year 984. Their church 
was administered by synods, called together by the archbishops and 



188 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

bishops ; though the Patriarch did not obtain his office until nearly 
the end of the 16th century, when the Patriarch of Constantinople 
conferred that dignity on the Archbishop of Moscow, about the 
year 1590. He was independent of the Czar, and governed the 
church without synods. He, however, as well as all the authorities 
of the church, was elected by the clergy ; and when a patriarch died, 
the bishops and abbots assembled at Moscow, performed the service 
at the great cathedral, and then placed on the altar three bulletins, 
on which the names of three candidates were inscribed. That 
bulletin which was first drawn contained the name of the success- 
ful candidate, and his election was then confirmed by the Czar. 
Peter the Great, however, who found the clergy to be his greatest 
opponents, refused to fill up the place of Patriarch which was 
left vacant for nearly twenty-two years ; and when he had at length 
installed one in the dignity, he curbed his authority by forbidding 
him to call the synods of tlie church together, as heretofore. Not 
content, however, with having thus broken the authority of the Patri- 
arch, he placed limits to the influence of the clergy, by obliging the 
synod to send their decisions for confirmation to a supervising com- 
mission, which consisted of two ecclesiastical and three lay members. 
The consequence has been, that the clergy, since that period, have 
possessed little real power in the state, and the bishops and arch- 
bishops are entirely at the mercy of the Emperor and his ministers. 
An instance is cited, in which the Archbishop of Irkowtsk was 
deprived of his see, and confined in a monastery for life, for 
having dared to oppose the governor-general of Eastern Siberia. 
The bishops, however, indemnify themselves for this condition 
of servitude by oppressing the parochial clergy, who in their turn 
have no means of obtaining redress for their grievances, and are 
often deprived of their benifices by the mere caprice of their epis- 
copal chief. The country clergy are likewise subjected to much 
harsh treatment from the great proprietors on whose lands they 
reside. The most serious cause of dispute, however, between the 
bishops and the parochial clergy, seems to result from the fact, that 
the former are usually chosen from the monkish orders, and are 
therefore unable to marry, whilst the parochial clergy are not only 
permitted, but foroed to enter into matrimonial life, on receiving 
orders. The sale of benefices is also allowed in Eussia, and indeed 
all appointments are to be obtained by bribery and corruption. It 
is greatly to be regretted that they are not more considered by the 
state, and that they have not larger privileges, as their condition 
tends much to lower the status of religion and morals throughout 
the vast Russian empire. 

The government have, nevertheless,^ endeavoured to do much for 



RUSSIA A3 IT IS. 189 

the Orthodox Kussian Church, by persecuting, with greater or less 
severity, all other creeds. It is, however, but fair to state, that the 
authorities do not so much molest the professors of the Jewish, 
Mahomedan, Protestant, and even Pagan creeds, as they do that of 
the Roman Catholic church. A most amusing account is given of 
the attempts made, during the reign of Alexander, to bring back 
some converts from Papacy to the orthodox Russian creed. The 
perverts inhabited the government of Koursk, to which a senator 
together with a colonel of Russian infantry were sent to strengthen 
the hands of the Greek clergy. These people, who steadfastly re- 
nounced the idea of giving up their Roman Catholic belief, were 
driven to the Greek church at the point of the bayonet, and forced 
to take the sacrament. On their quitting the sacred edifice, the 
colonel called upon them to make a public confession of their errors, 
as it was the command of their lord and master, the Czar. The 
trembling peasants urged that they were wilhng to obey all the man- 
dates of their sovereign, but that they were still " unconverted." 
" What !'' indignantly cried the colonel ; '• have you not been to 
church ? have you not performed the rite, and taken the sacrament 
according to the doctrines of the Greek church ?" " We have," re- 
plied the peasants ; " but your bayonets drove us to the altar, and 
your priests forced down our throats the sacred mass, without our 
consent." The colonel, who saw that he should gain nothing by 
argument, only ordered the so-called converted to kneel, and kiss 
the hand of the representative of the Czar, the senator who had been 
sent to arrange these matters, and at once to acknowledge the adop- 
tion of that faith which the Czar had commanded them to embrace. 
These persons were duly returned as converted, " per order." 

The last chapter of this remarkable book is merely a review of 
the reforms which Dolgoroukow has discussed in detail, together 
with a further protest against the evil doings of the bureaucracy. 
His dream for Russian prosperity is a constitutional government, 
with two chambers, as in England. The lower chamber to be re- 
elected every four years ; all persons of twenty-five years of age being 
eligible to vote. All members to be not less than twenty-five years 
of age in the lower, and forty in the upper chamber ; and that after 
eight years of experience these chambers might deliberate on the laws 
with some degree of efficiency and success. He desires that the serf 
should be liberated with land, should pay five roubles per annum, in 
order to defray the interest of the debt made by the government iu 
purchasuig their freedom, and that the clergy sliould be allowed to 
have their synods as heretofore, to legislate on the affairs of the 
church, and not be controlled by the imperial commission. That 
priests should be allowed to remain in a state of celibacy, if it suits 



190 RUSSIA AS IT IS. 

their convenience. He further requires that the financial committees 
in the provinces should be abolished, that all the finances should be 
placed under the direction of a central board at St. Petersburg, 
appointed for the purpose ; that there should be liberty of the press, 
with slight and reasonable restrictions; and that the power of the 
bureaucracy and the camarilla should be neutralized ; for, as long as 
they exist, the Emperor has no means of learning either the abuses 
under which his subjects labour, or of carrying out the necessary 
reforms, and establishing a constitutional government. Should these 
impediments be removed, Dolgoroukow foresees a just and moderate 
constitutional government estabhshed in Eussia. Although we join 
with him in these hopes, we much doubt whether the Russian nation 
has yet reached that condition of civilization and intelligence which 
would fit it for self-government ; whilst we also fear that the Czar 
does not possess the requisite firmness and prudence for accom- 
plishing so vast and so necessary a change. 

Although this account of the Eussian government may be a cor- 
rect one in many of its details, it is, nevertheless, overdrawn. Of 
this we are certain, that neither Macchiavelli, Gibbon, Hallam, or 
Sismondi, or any other great political or historical writer, would be 
able to comprehend how such vast power and such corrupt adminis- 
tration as our author describes, could be found to exist side by side ; 
and they would consider that such an empire was nearer its decay 
than Eussia now seems to be, even after the disasters of the Crimean 
war. She undoubtedly possesses all the requisites for regaining the 
influence she has lost during that struggle. Dolgoroukow^s account 
is exaggerated ; though he has, nevertheless, shown research in col- 
lecting his facts; his statements are generally clear and conclusive, 
his suggestions often good, and worthy the pen of a politician of a 
more enlightened country. His style is clear and plain, and he has 
handled his subject with greater dexterity than we could have 
expected under his disadvantages. His work is therefore worth 
studying by all politicians who desire to consider the two great ques- 
tions of the age ; viz. how the governments of despotic monarchies 
are gradually to be raised to freedom more compatible with the idea 
of the age, without running the risk of anarchy and revolution ; and 
how servitude is to be abolished, where a nation has so long 
depended upon it for the performance of necessary labour. 



LA CHINE DEVANT L'EUKOPE. 



LA CHINE DEYANT L'EUROPE. 



Pew countries are more prosperous, more independent of other 
states, more fertile, or possessing a vaster area of territory unex- 
plored by foreigners than (Jhina; not one so excites curiosity, or 
furnishes so rich a field for conjecture. It has been the wonder of 
all nations that the Chinese should have made early progress in 
civilization, arts, and sciences, and yet have stopped short at a 
certain point ; for it is stated, on good authority, that the Chinese 
Avere acquainted even with the inventions of printing and gunpowder 
long before their introduction into Europe. The compass was like- 
wise first used by them, though their ideas of navigation are still 
confused and illogical ; for it is well-known that the Chinese sailors, 
who lately visited England with the junk, steered their course to 
New York, as the nearest road to the British Isles. 

It is the natural enquiry of all travellers who have visited China, 
why such an early advance should have been made in the arts 
and sciences only to end in a gradual decadence ? Little can be 
learned of the present condition or past history of the Chinese; 
partly owing to the limited access of foreigners to the interior of 
the country, and partly to the paucity of published works. Indeed, 
it is supposed that very few materials exist from which a correct 
history can be compiled, most of the Chinese archives having been 
destroyed in a Tartar inroad, three centaries before the Christian 
era. Moreover, the symbols in which Chinese writings are composed 
are so difficult to decipher as to baffle the patience of the most 
studious oriental scholars; and few even of the learned Chinese 
have mastered them. All that is certainly known of Chinese history 
is that the country was peopled at a very early date by the Mon- 
golian race ; that it advanced rapidly in civilization ; was continually 
subject to the attacks of the neighbouring Tartar tribes, whose 
inroads were inefFectually prevented by the construction of that 
wonderful wall, the extent of which still continues to astonish the 
most intelligent of modern travellers, by its height, its durability, 
and the obstacles over which it has been carried— neither wide 
rivers nor lofty mountains having checked its progress. 

The great Chinese philosopher, Confucius, who gave them their 
morals, aiid the foundation' of what little religion they possess, is 
said to have lived five hundred and fifty-five years before the 
Christian era, about the same time as the Persian empire reached its 

c c 



194 LA. CHINE DEVANT l'eUROPE. 

liighest pitch of importance iu the East, and Athens, under Pisis- 
tratus, was commencing that career of glory, letters, and civilization, 
which has made her famous throughout the world long after her 
decline. It appears, however, that China was only known by name 
both to the Greeks and the Eomans ; though its trade with India made 
the Latins acquainted with silk, M^hicli was first imported into Eome 
from India — the rarity being so great, that it was only considered 
worthy of forming the material from which the togas of the most 
luxurious Emperors were made. 

According to Gibbon, the manufacture of silk fabric was not 
known until the sixth century, when some monks of Constan- 
tinople are said to have visited China, where they first saw a collec- 
tion of silk worms, the method in which they were reared, and the 
mode of working the cocoon. 

We hear little more of China until the days of Marco Polo, the 
celebrated Venetian traveller, who, starting from his own country at 
the latter end of the thirteenth century, explored the whole of 
Asia, including Tartary, Thibet, Ciiina, and India. On his return, 
he related marvels of the great riches of all these countries, and 
seems to have considered the Chinese and Hindoos the wealthiest 
and the most civilized of Asiatic nations — as the former carried on 
a large trade with the adjacent south-sea islands, at that time inha- 
bited by fierce cannibals. 

Soon after, a Catholic Mission was sent from Naples to China, 
consisting of Franciscan and Dominican Monks. They seem to 
have made converts with greater ease than their more learned and 
worldly-minded successors, the Jesuits. This was, no doubt, owing 
to their attending only to religious affairs, without attempting to 
gain political influence. Doubtless, a speculative people like the 
Chinese liked the novelty of the Christian religion, the doctrines of 
which furnished them with matter for argument. 

The Portuguese, who had solved their problem of a new way 
to India by the Cape, next arrived in China, where they founded 
the settlement of Macao ; which, as they some centuries later 
informed Lord Anson, they only retained by sufferance, being 
entirely dependent on the good will of the natives, even for the most 
ordinary necessaries of life. Such a dependence did not suit the 
Portuguese, who were constantly endeavouring to acquire larger and 
more unfettered possessions ; and as they were the first Europeans 
that ever visited Ciiina, their intrigues and ambition gave the Chinese 
but an unfavourable opinion of western nations, whom they were 
more resolved than ever to exclude from their country. 

The Dutch, who, in their wars with Philip II, conquered most 
of the Portuguese possessions in India and elsewhere, also endea- 



LA CHINE DEVANT L KUROFE. 195 

voured to open communications with Cliina. Their efforts being of 
a commercial nature, they were permitted to send an Embassy to 
Pekin, and allowed to trade with and visit the Chinese ports. 

The English did not open negotiations with that great empire 
until the year 1783, when Lord Mc Cartney visited Pekin. He 
does not appear to have obtained any advantages by his mission. 
In 1816, diplomatic intercourse with the Emperor of China was 
again attempted, and Lord Amherst went to Pekin for that purpose. 
Every obstacle, however, was thrown in the way of his negotiations ; 
and the British Government has ever since been unable to send an 
ambassador to Pekin, although seveial negotiations liave been opened 
and three wars have been engaged in to protect British com- 
merce. 

It is these complicated relations with China, and the few au- 
thentic works that have appeared on the subject, that make any 
treatise on Chinese affairs at once received with interest by the 
public. But, although Dr. Tytler has given, in his Universal His- 
tory, a fair account of China, and particularly of the mode in which 
the present Royal Family ascended the throne, and Professor Schle- 
gel, in his Philosophy of Histor}^ has discoursed learnedly on their 
language and literature, and has placed the former amongst tie 
earliest class of dialects, ranking it as co-existent with the language 
of many of the North American tribes, or the negroes of Africa, — 
yet it is pretty clear that early Chinese history and literature are both 
obscure and difficult. 

Captain Basil Hall has told us, in an amusing manner, how 
the Chinese express their ideas on paper ; whilst Stewart Mc Kenzie, 
and, at a later period. Sir John Bo wring, and Mr. Wingrove 
Cooke, in letters to the Times, have given many curious details as 
to their mode of warfare, their population, and their social habits. 
Still these writers give but slight information for so vast an 
empire as China. We therefore expected great things, when the 
newspapers of a neighbouring country informed us that Le Marquis 
D'Hervey St. Denys was preparing to speak to the world on so 
interesting a theme. We were told that, as a counsellor of the 
French Asiatic Society, he was in possession of information con- 
cerning the Celestial Empire at once new and important; and it was 
with no small satisfaction that we received his pamphlet — " La Chine 
devant TEurope.""^ But, in one hundred and sixty-four pages of 
loosely written and badly compiled matter, he treats of the origin, 
language, wars, and future destiny of China, as though he were a 

* La Chine devant L'Europe, par Le Marquis D'Hervey Saint Denys, du Conseil 
de la Societe Asiatique. — Paris : Amyot — 8, Kue de la Paix. 



196 ' LA CHINE DEVANT l'eUEOPE. 

mandarin of tlie first order, keeper of the conscience of the Celestial 
Emperor, and dictator to the world as to the policy of European 
intervention. 

He begins by asking — What is China, and what do Europeans 
know about it ? This question he answers by telling us that, by 
long study of the Chinese language and literature, he, the learned 
Erenchman, can remove many prejudices and erroneous impressions 
from the minds of Europeans. After this piece of pedantry, he goes 
off to some interesting details as to the history, laws, government, 
and population of China ; and although he assures us he has had 
the advantage of the companionship of an intelligent Chinese, who 
had long resided in Paris, many of his facts are nevertheless very 
questionable. His account of the government and population of 
China are no doubt pretty correct ; but we have never heard it stated 
before that the Chinese seas were visited by PhcBuician vessels, 
or that Chinese trade was opened by those enterprising navigators. 
No writer has previously ventured to assert that they had any other 
dealing with Europeans than that by trade through India. Monsieur 
St. Denys, however, would have us to believe that the Chinese were 
engaged in war with the Eomans. The Parthians, however, who were 
of Tartar origin, and who contested with the Eomans the possession 
of the countries bordering on the Caspian, may have been a portion of 
tliose Tartar tribes which subdued China; and as the Chinese 
soldiers have, since the Tartar invasion, chiefly belonged to that 
nation, it is possible that our author has confounded them with the 
actual Chinese. Again, on describing the ceremony of Prostration 
before the Emperor, he affirms that this custom was protested against 
by the Ambassadors of the Abas^ide Caliphs who were sent to China at 
the end of the 9th century. Now, although it is well known that the 
possessions of the Arabs extended as far as the north of India, it is 
yet very doubtful whether the Saracen Princes ever sent ambassadors 
to the Empire of China. 

Having touched on the subject of the ceremony of prostration. 
Monsieur St. Denys excuses it by affirming that the Chinese and Euro- 
peans have different modes of showing respect, and that it has been the 
custom from time immemorial for Eastern princes to exact it. He then 
quotes the usages of the court of the Babylonian empire, under Nebu- 
chadnezzar ; that of Persia, under Xerxes ; and that of Macedon, under 
Alexander the Great, when it became an Asiatic Court by the con- 
quest of the Persian Empire ; that it has been required by the Caliphs 
of Bagdad, as well as by the Tartar conquerors from Genghis Khan 
to Tamerlane ; and is looked upon by the Chinese as a mark of 
respect to their Emperor, which is even paid to him by his own heir 
and by the princes of his own family ; — that, in fact, it is no more a 
sign of inferiority than the uncovering of our head in the presence of 



LA CHINE DEVANT L EUROPE. 197 

our friends or neighbours. It lias^ however, always been looked upon 
by European governments as a humiliating and degrading ceremony. 
If we are to believe the contradictory statements of our author 
even the Saracenic Embassies, with all tjieir Oriental obsequious- 
ness, not unfrequently protested against its adoption ; and the 
Russian Envoy, who was sent by Peter the Great to negotiate the 
commercial treaty with China, most boldly and successfully resisted 
this ignominious ceremony. Whatever, therefore. Monsieur St. 
Denys may say with regard to the ho-teow, we must avow it as 
incompatible with the dignity of an Envoy ; and that, whatever may 
be adduced in its favour, it is calculated to degrade the foreigner in 
the eyes of the Chinese, and to lead them to the belief that they 
really are the great celestial people they have always considered 
themselves. An ambassador, whether he be the representative of 
a despotic sovereign or of a republic, cannot perform the duties 
of his mission unless he be treated with more than ordinary res- 
pect. Thus the several ambassadors who have been sent to China 
have done wisely in protesting against this ridiculous and ignomini- 
ous ceremony of prostration ; and in doing so have shown the 
Emperor of China that he is not to be acknowledged by other nations 
as the chief ruler of all the earth, and a very deity ; but that he is 
to be considered and treated, like other mortal sovereigns, with respect, 
but not with humiliating veneration. 

Le Marquis St. Denys has introduced a long tirade against the 
want of courtesy in Europeans towards the Emperor of Chiua, with 
the sole object of reading a corrective lesson to England. His whole 
work is very anti-English ; as he declares, unhesitatingly, that the 
EngHsh wars in China have been undertaken for the sole purpose of 
territorial aggrandisement, ambition, and cruelty. It is true that his 
blame is somewhat merited when he declares that we had no right to 
carry on a contraband trade in opium, in the face of express Chinese 
laws — that the punishment of our smugglers was hardly a sufficient 
excuse for rushing into war with a state that had hitherto been on 
terms of peaceable relation ; but he forgets that the Chinese used 
this pretext indiscriminately to seize on our shipping, to destroy 
our goods, and to murder our defenceless countrymen. Had we 
been able to obtain the same redress for our grievances in China, as 
in any other country, we might have restricted ourselves to firm 
and dignified threats and diplomatic remonstrance; but in China, 
where no communication is held with the rest of the world, and all 
other nations are looked upon as inferior barbarians, the only course 
left for us was that of supporting our demands by armed force. 
Canton was therefore bombarded, and several engagements took 
place, which ended in the ratification of the treaty which opened 
to us the five ports. Thus the Chinese acknowledged our right to 



198 LA CHINE DEVANT l'eUEOPB. 

establish Consuls, engaged to pay the expenses of the war, and 
lastly ceded to us the territory of Hong Kong, where we might 
anchor our sliipping and garrison our troops. After this war, it 
was generally believed that peaceful relations were fully estabhshed 
between the English and the Chinese. The latter, however, found 
means of evading for many years the full performance of the stipula- 
tions of this treaty; and the inhabitants at Canton could never 
be persuaded to admit either of unrestricted foreign commerce or 
of foreigners sojourning beyond their allotted quarters. Things 
were in this state when the Lorcha, sailing under British colours, 
was seized by the authorities, on the pretext of contraband and 
piracy. Sir John Bowring thereupon broke off all diplomatic com- 
munication with the Chinese authorities, and Sir Michael Seymour, 
the British Admiral, was ordered to commence those operations 
which Mons. St. Denys stygmatises as " unnecessary and cruel."' 
This struggle at length terminated with the arrival of Lord Elgin, 
who set to work to negotiate a fresh treaty — taking the former 
one as a basis, and demanding that an Enghsh minister should 
be received at Pekin, and a Chinese sent to the Court of St. 
James's; that tariffs and duties should be readjusted by com- 
missioners appointed by both Governments ; while he further 
offered to co-operate with the Chinese in putting down pirates 
and smugglers. The conditions of this treaty show clearly enough 
what the desire and intention of the British Government to- 
wards China have always been, and still are ; that their wars were 
never undertaken with the view of territorial agrandisement, but 
rather with the object of opening an advantageous commerce 
to all the world, of restraining and civilizing a people already 
remarkable for some considerable progress in arts and sciences, 
and effectually protecting British lives and property. What, 
on the other hand, has been the conduct of the Chinese ? 
Crafty prevarication and treachery have distinguished all their 
dealings witli Europeans. Thus English toleration and justice have 
exercised but little influence over a people whose subtle powers 
of cunning have so often tempted them to evade their most sacred 
promises, however clear and binding they may have appeared to 
honest minds ; for it is certain that the Chinese never really in- 
tended the British Minister to enter the capital of Pekin, although 
they promised it by treaty. They therefore detained him and his 
former colleagues as long as they were able at Shanghai ; and when 
the diplomatists at length resolved on pushing their way to Pekin, 
the Chinese opposed their passage, blocked up the mouth of the 
river Peiho, and placed every obstacle in the way of fair diplomatic 
intercourse. What followed is too well known and too fresh in the 
memory of our readers to need any mention in these pages. St. 



LA CHINE DEVANT l'eUROPE. ] 99 

Denys, however, with his usual anglopholia, affirms tliat the British 
Minister ought never to have been accompanied by so large a 
squadron, as it clearly evinced an intention to support his unjust 
demands by armed force. He also blames Admiral Hope and his 
officers, both for their attack on the fortifications and the excesses 
which, he says, they committed during the expedition, The 
learned frenchman seems to think that it would have been a 
better course had Mr. Bruce followed the example of the American 
Minister, and asked leave of the authorities to go to Pekin, 
and there to have negotiated a treaty, for which, if afterwards 
annulled, he might then have demanded satisfaction by force 
majeure. Our author, however, forgets that the Americans were 
in a very different position to the English ; that it was the first 
treaty they had ever made with the Chinese Emperor; that they did 
not seek for any redress of grievances, and only desired to gain a few 
commercial advantages. It was therefore only necessary for them to 
study the prejudices and character of the curious people with whom 
they had to deal ; though, after humouring all these eccentrici- 
ties, they really gained neither advantages nor concessions over 
other Europeans ; and, as brother Jonathan would himself express 
it, his diplomatic agents had to eat a considerable amount of Chinese 
dirt, and were placed in a very awkward fix. St. Denys should also 
remember that it is not the first time in history that the demands 
of a Minister have been enforced by the accompaniment of a naval 
or military expedition. The English have frequently done so, and 
the French are not over scrupulous as to the means they employ 
in making good their demands. Look to their conduct in the Alge- 
rian business. They gave the Dey but little time to decide whether 
or no he would agree to their demands, and at once attacked Algiers ; 
deceiving all Europe with the idea that it was only a temporary oc- 
cupation they desired, whilst they contemplated a permanent subju- 
gation. St. Denys tells us that our wars in China have only 
been carried on to enrich our commerce and to extend our pos- 
sessions. To this we raiglit give a *'tu quoque." Erance can- 
not afford to throw stones at her neighbour. Mons. St. Denys 
forgets that, with the single exception of the island of Hong Konw, 
we have no possessions in China. We might, however, have cliosen 
some more healthy and convenient harbour, and some larger territory, 
had we been bent on acquiring territorial possessions. We would 
just ask this pure-minded Erenchman, when he accuses us of am- 
bitious views, whether his countrymen ever desired to obtain poli- 
tical influence in China ; whether, under the garb of protector to 
the Roman Catholic missionaries, Erance remained indifl'erent to 
Eastern politics ? We difl:er again from his opinion that Erance has 
no interest in China, and that England had undertaken its late expe- 



200 LA CHINE DEVANT L^EUROPE. 

dition solely to wipe out the stain of her ill success in the Crimea. It 
requires no conjuror to discover the motives of French vindictiveness 
and envy. Prance is destitute of colonies in the China seas ; but 
she hopes, by allying herself with the English, to acquire some 
influence in a country in close proximity to our Indian empire, and 
to be thus able at some future period to gain for herself a participa- 
tion in our extensive eastern dominions. 

Our author's apology for China is a bad one : She is to be left 
alone, lecaitse her prejudices, customs, and ideas, are different from 
tJwse of the other nations of the 'world. Can St. Denys prevent her 
shores from being visited by the ships of other people ? and would 
he exclude the entire trade of the world from this portion of the 
universe ? If so, he is no Frenchman, and belies his nation and her 
teaching. There is but one common-sense view of the whole matter; 
the Chinese ought to be induced, by fair or foul means, to give more 
ample protection to the lives and properties of foreigners resident 
on their soil ; both the Trench and English, therefore, are fully 
justified in demanding such concessions, and punishing treachery by 
armed force. M. St. Denys has likewise overlooked the significant 
fact that Russia may acquire supreme commercial influence in 
China; if England and France are excluded, such a policy would 
give Eussia immense importance in Asia, and would enable her to 
carry out the schemes of universal empire, at least in that continent. 
This consummation ought not therefore to be lost sight of by English 
and Fiench politicians. Britisli statesmen must keep a sharp eye on 
the doings of the Russians in the east, particularly since they have 
obliged the Chinese to cede a portion of territory on the Amoor, have 
built a fort on the Pacific, and have visited Japan with a larger fleet 
than any other nation. Such acts clearly show their hitention of dis- 
puting the empire of the Pacific with the Enghsh, French, and 
American navies, at some future period. 

In concluding these remarks on the very pretentious pamphlet 
of Le Marquis St. Denys, we should be sorry to withhold our praise 
from tlrnt portion of the work which displays learning and literary 
taste. The Marquis, however, has allowed his French prejudices 
to gain the mastery over his better judgment, and his irritated 
feelings to influence his pen as an historian. Thus he ends his 
pamphlet with the spiteful and uncalled-for observations : " Les 
Anglais out d^im menses interets en Chine et nous n'en avons pas, 
lis n'ont point de soldats et compteront comme en Crimee, sur les 
notres. Les sacrifices seront pour La France en* raison inverse des 
resultats. Peut-etre y-reflechira-t-elle, avant d^epouser irrevocable- 
ment une cause qui n'est pas la sienne, qui ne repond ni k ses in- 
stincts, ni a ses idees, et qui ne lui promet, en definitive, que des 
desastres sans gloire ou des victoires sans profit." 



THE EOME or THIS ERA. 



D D 



THE EOME OF THIS ERA * 



Much has been said respecting the true balance of power in 
Europe, and the necessity for preserving it. Had a perfect indiffer- 
ence on this point been the policy of Europe, some one State would 
ere now have become more powerful and more ambitious than the 
rest, would have gradually expanded to colossal proportions, and 
have reduced the continent to that condition under which it 
laboured in the days of the Roman Empire, or of Charlemagne in tlie 
middle ages ; which Charles V of Germany, Louis XIV of France, 
and the Emperor Napoleon in more modern times, have attempted 
to reimpose upon it. 

It is a curious fact, that Italy should have been the country, 
in all ages, in which the battle for universal empire has been carried 
on. In ancient times, the Eomans made themselves masters of 
the known world by their courage and discipline, by their superiority 
in arms, and by their prudent and progressive policy; and were 
enabled not only to establish one of the most extensive empires 
that ever existed, but even to transmit their laws, language, and 
literature, to a period many centuries after their power was annihi- 
lated, and to lay the foundation of that spiritual sway which has 
ever since been assumed by Roman Ecclesiastics over the greater 
part of the European continent. 

Various circumstances enabled the elder Roman Pontiffs to obtain 
territorial possessions, as well as spiritual dominion ; as they well 
understood tbe character of the age in which their spiritual power 
was founded, the use to apply it to, and the acquisition of real 
sovereignty over the people of Rome ; though they were nominally 



* The Roman Question. By E. About. "W. Jeffs, 15, Burlington Arcade. 



204 THE HOME OF THIS EEA. 

governed by the Emperors of Constantinople. Again, at a later 
period, the Popes acquired territories in Italy by placing themselves 
under the protection of the French monarchs, Pepin and Charle- 
magne ; and by inducing these sovereigns to grant church lands, 
in payment for which they confirmed their authority by priestly 
ceremonial. Though it was long before the Popes were able to make 
themselves independent of the Carlovingian Princes, or of their 
subsequent representatives, the Emperors of Germany; yet they at 
length contrived to do so ; partly by taking advantage of the dis- 
turbances which occurred both in Italy and Germany during the 
tenth and eleventh centuries; partly by making good use of the 
little legal knowledge which was then possessed by European 
states; and, lastly, by forging the famous decretals of Isidore, 
which enabled them to impose upon the world the absurd doc- 
trines of the infallibility of the Pope, as the actual successor of 
St. Peter. 

Thus the Popes assisted the clergy in every country of Europe 
to rise against their lay masters; and often, when it suited their 
purpose, sided with inferior ecclesiastics even against prelates ; thus, 
working on the gross superstition of sovereigns, priests and people. 
By such means influential monarchs were brought into submission 
to the most absurd assumptions of papal power, and even the coura- 
geous lay vassals of foreign states were often induced to defend the 
Pope against the attacks of enemies, such as the Emperors of Ger- 
many, and the discontented and turbulent subjects at Kome. Gre- 
gory VII made good use of the religious terrors of the Germans 
and their Emperor, Henry IV, to obtain his right of investiture to 
ecclesiastical benefices ; and even prevailed upon the sous of that 
unfortunate prince to rise against their father in support of the claims 
of the church ; whilst he skilfully turned to advantage the Norman 
vassalage in Naples, to fight against the anti-pope, who had been 
raised up by the Emperor of Germany, and who was supported by 
many of Gregory's enemies in Rome itself. This able pontiff also 
acquired the provinces of Ancona, Bologna, and Perrara, through 
the will of his friend, the Countess Matilda; though her right, 
according to the feudal system of ceding these fiefs to the Pope, 
was illegal. Another great advantage was soon after acquired by 
the head of the Catholic church, viz. the independence of the papacy; 
and no pontiff, after the days of Gregory VII, dreamed of asking 
the Emperor for a confirmation of his nomination to the papacy. 

The pontifical power made greater strides than it had ever pre- 
viously done during the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. 
The Crusades, which had been projected by the successors of St. 



THE HOME OF THIS ERA. 205 

Peter, not only augmented the influence of the church, but brought 
commerce, wealth, and power to those Italian cities which supported 
the cause of the' Pope against the Emperor, and thus enabled the 
papacy to acquire fresh strength until its pretensions reached their 
greatest lieight, in the days of the ambitious and vigorous Innocent 
III. He it was who quelled his nobles at home, successfully 
awed John of England into a most humiliating submission, and 
curbed the ambition of Philip Augustus of France, a monarch 
whose abilities and power extended far beyond what was usually 
possessed by the sovereigns of those days. Thus the Pope contrived 
to have his own candidate elected Emperor of Germany, whilst he 
numbered amongst his vassals Peter the Second of Aragon, and put 
an end to many bloody wars by his anathemas of interdict and 
excommunication. After his time, the papal power gradually de- 
clined, partly owing to its absurd assumptions, and the heavy 
exactions which it imposed on its votaries, and partly to the 
greater civilization snd knowledge which both subjects and princes 
were every where acquiring throughout Europe ; until it at length 
lost a great portion of its influence and importance in the Reforma- 
tion of the sixteenth century. 

Many advantages, as well as disadvantages, have resulted from 
tin's great ecclesiastical power. Where the interest of the Pope 
was not involved, his spiritual influence was often exerted with 
advantage in the maintenance of peace, justice, and good order, 
which, without his anathemas, it was often impossible to obtain in 
the sanguinary and turbulent epoch of the middle ages. Wiien any 
increase of power or territory was to be acquired by the church, 
the Pope did not scruple to stir up strife, both amongst the Italian 
states and other European powers ; whilst his own authority was, 
in many instances, based upon the quarrels which occurred 
between subjects and sovereigns, and between monarchs and their 
heirs. The decay of the papal power was partly owing to the 
schism which existed for nearly seventy years in the Catholic church, 
and to the contentions of various candidates for the chair of St. 
Peter, whose claims were supported by the different Catholic sover- 
eigns of Europe. This led to great disturbances and scandal in the 
church, lessened the general veneration of European nations for the 
papacy, and consequently diminished its authority ; but, when the 
Eeformation occurred, it was felt necessary by both leaders of the 
Catholic and Protestant parties that they should combine political 
with religious motives, in order to obtain followers to their various 
standards. The Cathohcs felt it requisite to support the absolute 
authority of monarchs, which was just then being established in 
Europe on the fall of the feudal system, together with the full 



206 THE ROME OP THIS ERA. 

prerogative of the Pope, botli as the spiritual head of the church and 
as a temporal priuce ; whilst the Protestants combined the reform of 
the errors of Eomanism with the support of liberal institutions 
amongst the people. The Catholics felt that, if the powers of the 
papacy were divided, its strength would be lost ; and therefore Charles 
V, as well as Philip 11, who were at the head of the Catholic princes 
of Europe, looked upon the Pope as a temporal prince, and treated 
with him as such. Both these princes, however, in turn, made war 
upon the Pope, and both invaded his territories, the former leading 
him into captivity, though neither of them ultimately lessened the 
temporal dominions of the church ; and, even at a later period, after 
the long thirty years' war, the temporal rule of the Pope was fully 
acknowledged in Westphalia. Thus admitted by every subsequent 
European treaty, the Pope's temporal powers have been guaranteed, 
though his spiritual influence has not been acknowledged by all the 
contracting parties. Things remained in this condition until Rome, 
taken by the French, under Napoleon, was annexed to the kingdom 
of Naples, and conferred on Joseph. 

The Pope, reinstated in his full rights in 1815, has since ruled 
over the states of the church with varied success. Many able and 
good Catholics have, in consequence, cavilled at this union of the 
spiritual and temporal power of tlie Pope, declaring it to be attended 
with much mal-administration in temporal things, and with grave 
danger to the Catholic religion. Amongst the ablest writers who 
have discussed this subject, Mons. About holds, perhaps, the highest 
place. His work was composed under great difficulty, and first 
pubhshed in the columns of a newspaper, since which it has been 
carefully re-written, with labour and forethought. M. About has 
combined a host of amusing matter with deep research, appealing 
to the most casual reader, whilst he furnishes grave matter for the 
most reflecting minds to ponder over. He paints a sad picture 
of the mal-administration of the present Papal government, giving 
us to understand that there is nothing right in the Papal 
states, that its finances are in disorder, its public works 
neglected, its soil unhealthy and barren, its people living in 
ignorance and superstition, 'ground down by the most arbitrary 
and absolute of despotisms ; that the only institution which 
flourishes is the church ; and that the attention of the govern- 
ment is chiefly directed to the support and enrichment of the 
priesthood, and to the adorning of ecclesiastical edifices. AlthouLh 
we have always been led to suppose that the Italian people 
have degenerated from their ancient courage, energy, and capacity, 
and are no longer competent to undertake self-government, M. 



THE HOME OF THIS ERA. 207 

About stoutly contends that their ability, their foresight and 
their valour in arms, have in no way diminished ; and that the oppor- 
tunity is alone wanting to make them shine before the world. 
In support of this opinion he mentions the vigorous defence of 
Garibaldi and the Eomans in 1849, against the efforts of French 
arms, and the courage and capacity which have been displayed by 
the other Italians in their wars against the Austrians, and the gradual 
formation of a liberal constitution in Sardinia. 

Though we might be disposed to agree in some of these opinions, 
yet v/e think that, as a good Catholic, which M. About professes 
himself to be, he has strangely mistaken his argument. It is not so 
much a question whether the states of the church are ill or well 
administered, as M'hether the Pope's spiritual power, as head of the 
church, can exist without his being also considered as a temporal 
pi-ince. M. About's objection, that the temporality often forces the 
Pope to act irreconcilably with his spiritual power, and with the 
character of infalHbility which he is bound to assume through the 
general acquisition and belief of all Catholics, is an extremely true 
and just one ; but, at the same time, it should be remembered by our 
author, that if the Pope's temporal influence is taken away, he 
will have but little hold on the minds of men as the spiritual head 
of an antiquated church, the superstitions and traditions of which 
may be and are reasoned against by men of ordinary education. 
If the spiritual power of the Pope only remained, is it likely that 
the Pontiff would be considered as the spiritual head of foreign 
ecclesiastics in countries where he had neither land nor money ? and 
would princes be ready to acknowledge him as a spiritual head, and 
to treat with him on ecclesiastical matters, if he possessed no other 
influence than that grounded on superstition, ancient traditions, 
and long usage ? "Were he only a simple ecclesiastic, he would pro- 
bably sink to the level of prelates and clergy in other countries, and 
become a mere subject, only important in his own state as holding a 
high clerical dignity ; and concordats would not be made with him 
by such potentates as the Kings of Spain and Prance, or the Emperor 
of Austria. 

We must say that we do not clearly perceive how M. About's 
scheme of dividing the ecclesiastical and temporal powers of the 
Pope could be effectually and permanently carried out, without the 
total abohtion of papacy as an ecclesiastical institution. In fact, the 
scheme of secularization has been put forward by him and by others 
in order to support Prencli ambition and aggrandizement, which 
would be satisfied with nothing less than either the annexing of the 
Papal states to the Prcnch crown itself, or as a dependent princi- 
pality upon it. Should the French Emperor, liowevcr, attempt 



208 THE ROME OF THIS ERA. 

such an annexation, and divide the spiritual from the temporal 
power of the church, he will raise such a ferment both between 
the ecclesiastics of his own empire and the other Catholic states 
of Europe, as lie will find difficult, if not impossible, to put 
down ; and if M. About wishes that the papacy should retain the 
nominal, though generally acquiesced in, spiritual influence over 
139,000,000 of souls, which, as a good Catholic, we suppose he 
does, he must allow the 3,670,168 people whom the Pope really 
governs to be sacrificed to misrule and oppression, in order that 
the papacy may remain unimpaired, even should it "give the peojole 
a very horror of Heaven itself." 

In considering M. About's work in detail, it will appear not a 
little curious, to those who have never visited the Eoman states, 
and are consequently unable to judge of the varied facts crowded 
together in the book, that there should exist so vast a difFereuce 
between the condition of the inhabitants and soil of the capital and 
its immediate vicinity, and of those cities on the frontier of the 
Papal states lying beyond the Appenines. Such differences are de- 
clared to be the result of the negligence and mismanagement of 
the Cardinal rulers, and no sort of notice is taken of the climate 
and malaria of Eome, which, during the summer, is sufficient, not 
only to neutralize many efforts of the most vigorous government 
and to deter agriculturists, but even to depopulate the capital 
itself. 

What M. About tells us as to the disorder in the finances, he 
strengthens by the assertion that the early Popes were not obliged 
to keep up the same state and dignity which has been forced upon 
their successors, and that the exigencies of the more recent Pontiffs 
may mainly be attributed to their inability to call so largely on the 
same sources as their predecessors did at the full height of their 
power; or, in other words, that the three millions are made to 
bear taxes which might, in the middle ages, have been imposed 
upon the 139 millions of superstitious people who acknowledged 
spiritual supremacy. M. About does not consider this as a good 
apology for the oppression practised by the Popes and the ecclesi- 
astical rulers of the Eoman states, nor for their gross extravagance 
and improvidence in ecclesiastical matters, to the neglect of all their 
temporal concerns; to which cause he attributes the insufficiency 
of the police, and the numerous robberies and murders which are 
continually occurring in the states of the church. 

M. About seems to beheve that the Italians possess not only 
the requirements for self-government, but the desire of burying their 
common differences by uniting to drive out the foreigner from 
their native land. We somewhat differ from these opinions, as we 



THE ROME OP THIS ERA. 209 

believe that tlie first qualification of self-government is only to be 
acquired by long habit and great experience, as in England and 
America. If nations, like the French and the Germans, who possess 
both ability and resolution, have not succeeded in their attempts at 
self-government, how can it be expected that the Italians, who have 
ceased for many centuries to take a share in the government of llieir 
diflerent states, should now be able to do so without preparation or 
training ? We do not deny that they have shown a greater capability 
for bearing suffering, and of contending bravely for the freedom of 
their country, than we should have expected from the levity of 
their character ; although they still lack the sagacity and foresight 
necessary to form real politicians. 

M. About next puts forward his theory for secularizing the 
government of the states of the church, and the admission of 
laymen as heads of departments and responsible ministers. This 
is by the way of opening the door to French influence and intrigues. 
From time immemorial it has been the desire of the French to 
acquire a footing in the Papacy. Thus, as far back as the fourteenth 
century, did Philip lY agitate for the election of his nominee, the 
Bishop of Bordeaux, to the Papacy, that he might gain his sanction 
to the seizure of the lands of the Knights Templars, and remove the 
Papal throne from Rome to Avignon. Since that period the French 
have made frequent efforts to acquire influence, even to the very 
time of the capture of Eome and its Pontiff by Napoleon I. The 
Pope, again restored to his full rights by the Allies in I8I5, 
was not disturbed in his temporal power by the ambitious designs 
of the French until the accession of Louis Philippe, who most 
unwarrantably interfered in the administration of the Papal States 
by demanding that certain reforms should be introduced, by which 
ecclesiastics and laymen should have equal rights in governing 
the state, and by enforcing those demands by sending troops to 
Ancona; whilst the French attack in 1848 was made for the 
avowed purpose of reducing his rebellious subjects to obedience, but 
in reality to force French principles upon the Pontiff. The French 
no sooner acquired possession of the Eternal city, and replaced its 
ruler, than they established a garrison in the town, and thus gained 
much real power in the papacy, which they are now endeavouring to 
increase by advising his Holiness to make secular reforms, and by 
offering to him the honorary presidency of an Italian confederation. 

The account given of the acquirements and abilities of the 
Eoman nobles is not at all calculated to support M. About's argument 
as to the benefits hkely to arise from the severance of the ecclesiasti- 
cal and the secular authority of the Holy See. Now, if any Eoman 
should be called to fill a ministerial post, who is not an ecclesiastic, 

E E, 



210 THE EOME OP THIS ERA. 

he would in all probability be selected from the ranks of the nobles 
of the educated laymen. Our author describes these classes as mere 
respectable nonentities, who are contented to amuse themselves with 
church festivals, society, and the lazy life of the club and the casino, 
and who leave the government in the hands of the cardinals and 
other ecclesiastical officials, as being alone, in their opinion, capable 
of governing. Even in private life, such nonentities ^lio w themselves 
to be chiefly influenced by their father confessors and family 
priests. The character of the Roman nobles and those of the 
provinces beyond the Appenines is, according to M. About, much 
in favour of the latter ; though they could not, from their remote- 
ness, be so easily called upon to engage in public affairs ; and our 
author, like Guizot, seems to consider the intellectual strength of all 
nations, and more especially that of Rome, to exist in the middle class. 
In this he is somewhat mistaken, as the middle class, in Rome, un- 
aided, cannot gain sufficient influence to restrain their poorer brethren, 
or to break those chains of ecclesiastical power which have been so 
long imposed upon them by usage, education, and superstition. 

Were the Romans able to follow the example of the English, they 
might obtain some redress for their grievances, and, possibly, some 
abatement of the arbitrary power exercised by the Pope', although 
such a proceeding would be next to impossible in the present state 
of affairs. Some compromise, however, might be entered into by 
which the Pope should retain his throne, and yet give the Roman 
people a larger share of liberty, and opportunity of acquiring the 
knowledge of self-government. 

M. About now launches into a most uncalled-for tirade against 
the " Opinions of Eoreign Residents in Rome,^' most of whom, 
be would have us believe, sympathize but little with the sufferings 
of the Romans, and treat their complaints with indifference, 
bidding them be consoled by the magnificence of the church 
ceremonies, the perfection of Roman art, and their vast store of 
antiquities. But, in spite of all this, the Romans still sigh for 
change ; and hence arises the question, who will bring it about ? 
Certainly not the Austrians, nor even the Italians, with all their 
enthusiasm and desire for liberty. It must be, according to About, 
~ the Erench, who have, for the last four centuries, desired to possess 
dominions in Italy ; and who do not care whether the excuse fur- 
nished for the invasion of that country be a claim to the kingdom 
of Naples, through the rights of the fallen house of Anjou, by 
supporting the oppressed nationalities of the Lombards and 
Sardinians against their old Austrian enemies; or the still more 
legitimate object of strengthening an injured Pope, effecting neces- 
sary and beneficial reforms in the states of the church, and freeing 
the Roman people from the oppressive yoke of the cardinals and 



THE ROME OP THIS ERA. 211 

minor ecclesiastics. In fact, all this cry, on the part of Mons. 
About and his countrymen, against the arbitrary temporal power 
of the Pope, has only been made in order to further the ambitious 
designs of the French Emperor in Italy ; and his remark, that a 
man of genius, with honesty, when invested with arbitrary power, 
would be a god upon earth, is only a good excuse given for 
Louis Napoleon's occupation of Italy, for his unnecessary inter- 
ference in the affairs of the church, affairs which he knows as 
well as any other Catholic sovereign he cannot alter as long as the 
Eoman Catholic church continues to be what it is, and which he 
is well aware would raise against him all Catholic Europe, includ- 
ing the clergy of the church of France itself, together with the 
influential and able party which it commands amongst his own 
subjects. Thus Napoleon III has clearly put forward his desire 
that reforms should be introduced into the Papal government, 
only to give himself a good pretext for quarrelling with Austria for 
interfering in the affairs of Italy, and for acquiring that glory for 
his arms which have been heaped upon the eldest son of the church. 
M. About is for total reform at all risks, and substantiates his 
opinion by fulminating most severe remarks on the Pope's arbitrary 
power. This, he af&rms, is oppressive, owing to the spiritual 
infallibility which is carried with it even into temporal affairs ; 
though he holds the Cardinal Secretary, Antonelli, responsible for 
the unusually severe execution of the Papal orders. 

The character of the present Pope, and of his minister. Cardinal 
Antonelli, and the influence wliich they exercise over the govern- 
ment of Eome, claims About's most envenomed pen. The chapters 
describing these two prelates are w^ritten in a most sarcastic, 
witty, and amusing style. They prove little, however, in favour of 
the writer's arguments, excepting that they convey his hatred and 
contempt of the ecclesiastical order in general, and his personal 
antipathy to its cliief head. Granting all he says as well founded, 
he would have shown better taste and judgment, had he omitted 
his abuse of the Pope, a feeble old man of seventy, who has had an 
unexpected position thrust upon him. He, however, spares not 
Pius IX, as he tells us that " the character of this respectable old 
man is made up of devotion, simplicity, vanity, weakness, and olsti- 
naeij, with an occasional touch of rancour ; he blesses with unction 
and pardons with diffictUty, he is a good priest and an insuffioie7it 
king ; his intellect, which has raised such great hopes and caused 
such cruel disappointment, is of a very orditiary capacity.^' 

Our author dips his pen 'in the bitterest of gall when he de- 
scribes the life and character of Antonelli. The censure of the Car- 
dinal is well merited, as his career has been one long pursuit of 



212 THE ROME OF THIS ERA. 

selfish power, wealth, and position, without a redeeming quality to 
lighten up the dark side of his character. Giacomo Antonelli 
(according to About) "was born in a den of thieves," in the year 
1806, "of a sensual, brutal, impious, superstitious, ignorant, and 
cunning race." His native village, Sonnino, belonging to the king- 
dom of Naples, is situated in a remote mountain district, amid 
" depots of pillage and magazines of rapine." His parents, relations, 
and neighbours lived on brigandage, which noble occupation would 
have been followed by young Giacomo, but, " when hardly four 
years old, the discharge of a high moral lesson shook his ears ; it 
was the French troops, who were shooting brigands in the outskirts, 
of Sonnino." This severely taught lesson was not lost on the 
parents of the future Cardinal. The son was therefore sent, at an 
early age, to a seminary at Rome, where he so distinguished himself 
*' that he escaped the sacrament of ordination, became the friend of 
Gregory XVT, a prelate, magistrate, a prefect, secretary general of 
interior, and minister of finance, in wliich latter place he could 
lay by more money in six months than all the brigands of Sonnino 
in twenty years.'" At the death of Gregory, he became Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs and Premier. He shared the exile of Pius IX, 
acquired undisputed sway over the mind of his master, and became 
actual ruler of the Papal states on the return of the Pope. Thus he is 
hated and feared ; and no one, with the exception of a poor maniac 
who attempted his life, has ever dared to dispute his authority ; " all 
classes of Italian society hate him equally, and lie is the only living 
man concerning whom an entire people is agreed." 

Mons. About closes this interesting and piquant chapter by describ- 
ing Antonelli as he now appears in the year of grace 1859. " He is 
well preserved, his frame is slight and robust, and his constitution is 
that of a mountaineer; the breadth of his forehead, the brilliancy 
of his eyes, his beak-like nose, and all the upper part of his face, 
inspire a certain awe. His countenance, of almost Moorish hue, is 
at times lit up by flashes of intellect] but his heavy jaw, his long 
fang-like teeth, and his thick lips, express the grossest appetites. 
He gives you the idea of a monster grafted on a savage." 

We must not omit to mention About's curious and interest- 
ing comparison to the characters of AntonelU and Mazarin, 
as it is quite of a piece with his other racy descriptions. 
" Antonelli and Mazarin have in common the fear of death, inordi- 
nate love of money, a strong family feeling, utter indifference to the 
people's welfare, contempt for mankind, and some other accidental 
points of resemblance. They were born in the same mountains, or 
nearly so ; one obtained the influence over a woman^s heart, which 
the other possesses over the mind of an old man; both governed 



THE ROME OP THIS ERA. 213 

unscrupulously, and both have merited and obtained the hatred of 
their contemporaries. Tliey both tallced French comically, without 
being sensible to any of the delicate niceties of the language. 

" The selfish Mazarin dictated to Europe the treaties of West- 
phaha, and the peace of the Pyrenees ; he founded by diplomacy the 
greatness of Louis XIV, and managed the affairs of the French mo- 
narchy, without in any way neglecting his own. 

" Antonelli has made his fortune at the expense of the nation, the 
Pope, and the church. Mazarin may be compared to a skilful but 
rascally tailor, who dresses his customers well, while he contrives to 
cabbage sundry yards of their cloth. Antonelli, to those Jews of the 
middle ages who demolished the Colisseum for the sake of the old 
iron in its walls." 

Antonelli, like Mazarin, has taken care that his friends and 
family should be well provided for. His brothers and his nephews 
have been raised to the second rank of nobility; one is Governor of 
the Bank, another Conservator of Eome, and a cousin reigns over 
the Pohce. In spite of all this success, the Eomau Cardinal lacks 
the talent and abilities of that great French statesman, whose con- 
summate skill laid the foundation of European politics up to the 
Eevolution of 1789. 

M. About now dashes off a chapter on the " Ecclesiastical Go- 
vernment of the Pope," which, although full of sarcasm, only tends 
to prove, that, so long as the Pope is a temporal prince, the eccle- 
siastical and lay administrations of his country must be unitel. It 
is full of unpalatable truths respecting tlie Roman clergy, as it plainly 
unmasks their bribery and corruption in the administration of justice, 
corruption which cannot be denied by the warmest supporters of the 
Papacy. Crime is also represented as most lamentably prevalent, a 
state of things which cannot well be otherwise, under a goverament 
which gives so many loopholes for the escape of criminals, and whose 
police is both indolent and feeble. Even those who might be willing 
to improve the condition of the ecclesiastical states, by their talents, 
their ingenuity, by the better construction of roads, canals, or any 
other public work, are not only discouraged by the government, but 
are even looked upon as dangerous innovators, and not unfrequently 
persuaded by those in office to leave the country, not actually as 
exiles, but as troublesome people, better out of Eome than in it. 
Every traveller who has visited the Roman states is too well aware, 
not only of the difficulties which are placed in the way of the advance- 
ment of men of talent, but also of the obstacles that are raised even 
to the introduction of scientific books. Thus education becomes a 
crime in the eyes of the priests. How can Europe reason with such 
logicians as the Pope and his admirers, who deny the freedom of 



214 THE ROME OF THIS ERA. 

printed thought, and debar their subjects the privileges of literature ? 
How can it place a limit on his temporal power, when for ages past, 
even until now, he has disregarded the councils of the ablest and 
most powerful sovereigns of Europe, who have proposed rational and 
beneficial reforms ? If the Pope was unmoved by the menaces of 
the French in 1831, and now doubts the good faith of Napoleon in 
offering to him the honorary presidency of the Italian Confederation, 
and takes passive, but successful measures, through the clergy, to 
resist him, in case the new honorary dignity is to be conferred as a 
compensation for lost territory, there is no alternative but to leave 
the Pope alone. His obstinacy is said to be strengthened by assur- 
ances of support from the different Catholic powers of Europe, in 
case Eome is menaced with invasion by the French. Any curtail- 
ment of Papal power would therefore involve the rest of the penin- 
sula in such another bloody struggle as it has just been engaged in ; 
one which would probably terminate in as degrading a way to the 
different parties concerned, as that conflict which brought about the 
Peace of Villafranca. 

The intolerance of the Papal government against those subjects 
who profess any other religion than Popery, is dwelt on with 
much pathos by our author, who tells us that the unfortunate 
Israelites are restricted to one quarter of the city, are there looted 
up like so many thieves at sunset, are debarred the enjoyment of the 
most ordinary rights, and are forbidden to hold property, or even to 
engage in the most harmless trades. Thus, a Jew is scarcely looked 
upon as a man by the Papal government ; " the law does not abso- 
lutely sanction his murder, but the tribunals regard the murderer of 
a Christian in a different light from the murderer of a Jew; as 
the church considers the soul of a Jew, as already lost, and his loss 
of life only bringing him into the eternity of torture, which he had 
all his life deserved, a few years before his time. Should the life of 
a Catholic, however, be sacrificed, it is looked upon as a most atro- 
cious crime ; as a child of the church would thus have to answer for 
his sins, unprepared either by confession or absolution, and his soul 
would run the risk of being prematurely cast into purgatory, if not 
into hell.'" A murderer is therefore subjected to the most severe 
penalty which the law can inflict. It is true that Pio IX somewhat 
ameliorated the condition of the Israelites at the beginning of his 
reign; that he suffered them to dwell where they pleased, did not 
force them to return to their miserable Ghetto at nightfall, and con- 
ceded to them some slight privileges which had been withheld during 
the reign of Gregory XVI. 

An anecdote is told of the Jews, which shows how low they must 
have fallen in the estimation of the Roman clergy and government. 



THE HOME OF THIS ERA. 215 

even in matters of ordinary justice. It appears that a I'errara Jew, 
who was tolerably flourishing in his business as a merchant, married 
a handsome Jewess, with whom he lived for some time in great 
happiness. He had the misfortune of employing a Christian clerk, 
Avho became enamoured of his wife, and who at length prevailed upon 
her to fly with him to Bologna. The unfortunate Jew brought an 
action against his wife for adultery, when he was not only refused 
redress by an unjust Christian judge, but was further insulted, by 
being iuformed that his wife and children had become Christians ; 
and that as such, infidehty to a Jew was no crime; the court further 
decreed that he should pay an annual income for their support, until 
his wife's marriage with her Christian paramour had taken place; and 
the nuptials between the two culprits were afterwards solemnized by 
the Archbishop of Bologna. Such intolerance is a cryinsr shame to the 
Komish church, which has, nevertheless, unscrupulously practised it 
in all countries, up to a very recent period. Not only the Jews, but 
even the Protestants of other states in which the Roman Catholic 
religion is established, have not, until lately, been safe from persecu- 
tion ; and it even now requires the permission of the church before 
a Catholic can marry a Protestant ; in fact, the church of Rome 
could not maintain her supremacy as the sole and dominant 
church of the world, were not its inviolability one of her principal 
doctrines. 

M. About gives a correct, though deplorable account of educa- 
tion in the Eoraan states. The Pope and Cardinals fear lest the 
minds of theii' snbjects should become enlightened ; a course which 
would only lead to the overthrow of their authority, and give rise 
to many enquiries as to the management of temporal and spiritual 
affairs; questions which would be difficult, if not impossible, to 
answer, and which would glaringly expose the injustice, intolerance, 
aiid arbitrary power under which these people have been so long 
governed. It is much to be lameiited that so quick a people should 
be so neglected; " but he that is taught to write," facetiously remarks 
M. About, " might some day learn to disseminate doctrines contrary 
to the church of Rome ; whilst he who had learned the art of cipher- 
ing, might make awkward enquiries in the management of tiie state 
finances." These remarks are just, and to the pnrpose ; they prove 
what is well known, and testified to by all travellers, viz. that the 
Italians of the southern part of the peninsula, more especially the 
Romans and Neapolitans (par excellence the most bigoted Catholics), 
are sunk in the grossest and most shameless ignorance. Our author 
does not tell us, however, how such a state of things could be remedied, 
but by sweeping away the whole of the Roman clergy and Catholic 
hierarchies, both in Italy and other countries. Were we to compare 



216 THE ROME OF THIS ERA. 

the most enliglitened Eoman Catholic coTintries with those in which 
Protestantism has been established, we should find the same bigotry, 
and the same fear of opening the popular mind to Papal errors, which 
have characterized that church in all ages, from the 10th to the 19th 
century, and w^e should see how superior Protestants are in intel- 
lectual culture^ in internal administration, pohce, and general civil- 
ization, to those who look up to the Pope as their spiritual head 
and temporal leader. This is nowhere so strikingly marked as in the 
Protestant and Catholic cantons in Switzerland. Every traveller is 
struck with the contrast in the state of cleanliness, order, and pros- 
perity which prevails among the Protestant cantons, as opposed to 
the Catholic. Need w^e, however, any further proof than in our own 
turbulent and Catholic sister island. Again, ask a Swiss whether 
Geneva is more prosperous than Lucerne, or whether the canton 
Yaud appears better governed, and inhabited by a happier and more 
cleanly people than Pribourg or Soleure ; he will have no hesitation 
in replying to your question, that the first two cantons furnish an 
aspect of greater wealth and happiness than the latter three; the 
former being Protestant, and the latter rigidly Catholic. If, then, it 
be the plan of ecclesiastics in Eoman Catholic countries to keep tlie 
people in ignorance, in order to extend the power of their order, how 
much more must the Pope himself dread the chance of enlightening 
his subjects, a people who live so much within the vicinity of clerical 
tricks and superstition ; who every day are obhged to submit to the 
ceremonies and falsehoods passed off upon the Roman Catholic world 
as miracles; and who, if they possessed the least outlet for education, 
would be the first, with their penetration of character, to discover 
and publish to the rest of the world the errors and falsehoods of the 
Papal creed, and would, at the same time, hft up their hands against 
the priestly and temporal authority of the Pope. 

We are now ironically told " that the Tope will never Jiave 
soldiers, as the army is ruled by ignorant officers, and is made up of 
the dregs of the people, and administered by ecclesiastics." To all 
Abouf s remonstrances with the heads of departments he was met with 
the assertion, " a people which is never destined to make war does 
not want an army. Instead of having generals in our army, we have 
them at the head of our rehgious orders." Thus is Eome, without 
a respectable force, trying to play the independent state, without 
the power to help herself, or support her dignity, otherwise than 
through the superstition of her foreign devotees. Still, we main- 
tain that all this might be altered; for the Eomans yet possess 
dormant virtues and courage. When their city was besieged by the 
Prench in 1848, the fault of the Eoman army was rather to be 
attributed to the deficiency of good officers, than to any want of 



THE ROME OF THIS ERA. 217 

bravery in the men. Yet it must be admitted by all that the present 
condition of the Eoman army, organized as it is by ecclesiastics, is 
totally unfitted to contend with an European foe, or to take the name 
of an organized force, unless recruited with some of the more warlike 
Italians of the Romagna, beyond the Appenines. To attempt such 
reforms in the present condition of Iloman politics would be next to 
impossible, as the question is surrounded by such difficulties as would 
scarcely be overcome by the ablest and most popular rulers. If such 
Popes as Gregory VII, Alexander VI, and Juhus II could hesitate 
to propound them, with all their abiUty, courage, and influence, is 
it to be expected that a good-natured old man hke Pius IX, could 
attempt so colossal a reform as the formation of a Eomau army ? 
Tliat there are stout hearts and strong arms in the states of the 
church, no one for a moment doubts. Look at the Contadini, the 
brigands, and the ill-paid agricultural labourers. These men might 
be moulded into good soldiers, were the Pope and his government 
disposed to follow the example of Joachim Murat, and offer to the 
banditti the choice of falling on the field of battle, or dying igno- 
miniously on the scaffold. 

The last two chapters of M. About's very able work are devoted 
to the consideration of the agriculture, manufactures, and finances of 
the Roman states. 

Agriculture is totally neglected, and pasturage is preferred to 
arable land, as the proprietors are mostly priests of religious orders. 
The last farthing is thus squeezed out of the tenant ; and no deduc- 
tion or allowance for drainage, farm buildings, or improvement, is 
un^der any circumstances permitted. All the corn harvested in the 
Agro Romano pays a fixed duty of twenty-two per cent. ; all agricul- 
tural produce pays a tax on export, twenty-three shiUings being the 
market tax on every cow or bullock sold, whilst horses are taxed five 
per cent, on their value every time they change hands. The best 
land is deprived of the advantage of the plough, lest the growth of 
corn should exhaust its virtues. Thus corn is an import instead of an 
export. An intelligent proprietor once asked permission to dam up 
a stream and to irrigate a dry country. The monks declared that 
" the extraordinary fertility which would result from irrigation would 
be a violence done to nature,*' and refused permission." Six-tenths 
of the lands are held in mortmain by the clergy, three-tenths belong 
to princely families, and the remaining tenth to different individuals. 
Thus, as long as the land is in possession of men who will jiave no 
posterity to succeed to tliem, it must remain both neglected and 
barren, and be a reproach and a scandal to all intelligent observers. 

The finances are even in a worse condition than either trade or 
agriculture. Overwhelmed with debt, beset with monopolies of every 

F F 



218 THE EOME OP THIS ERA. 

description, taxed at the rate of three millions, in an unequal and un- 
just proportion ; the higher class escapes, whilst the middle class is 
ground down to the last extremity. A miUion is paid in interest of 
a yearly increasing debt, half a million to a useless army, a quarter of 
a million to prisons, a quarter to charity (?), and the rest is divided 
between the most crafty and unscrupulous of the ministers. Such is 
the recent picture of Roman finance, as drawn by About. 

Can things be in a worse condition ? and yet who is to propound 
a remedy ? 

According to M. About — Perrara, Ravenna, Bologna, Rimini, and 
Ancona, should be lopped off from the Papal dominion. The Pope 
might retain the city of Rome, his palace, and temples, his cardinals 
and prelates, his priests and monks, his princes and footmen ; and 
Europe would contribute to feed the little colony. Rome, surrounded 
by the respect of the universe, as by a Chinese wall, would be, so to 
speak, a foreign body, in the midst of a free and living Italy. 

Montalembert is right in his assertion : " That Italian unity, with 
Rome as its capital, is the goal to which the partizans of the Pied- 
montese movement in Romagna invariably tend.^^ — '' No Austria, no 
Pope, is the present aim of all so-called Italian patriots." 

Neither reforms nor radical institutions will really content the 
Italian people ; as what they actually desire, is to destroy the tem - 
porality of the Papacy, and to reduce the Pope to the happy position 
of the Patriarch of the Greek church, or the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury. 

After a long residence in Rome, a careful study of its actual con- 
dition, and an attentive perusal of Mons. About's and Count Monta- 
lembert' s'^ works, we are bound, as Englishmen, to admit the strong 
claims of the Roman people for secular and religious reforms — though 
our legislators must be equally puzzled with the unfortunate Rossi, 
the clever Walewski, or the crafty Antonelli, as to the best means of 
accomplishing so desirable an end. 

The subject becomes far more difftcult, now that the Emperor of 
the Erench has, on the one hand, taken up the cudgels in favour of 
the Pope ; whilst, on the other, he has lighted up the fiercest fires of 
discontent and rebeUion in unfortunate Italy ! 

* Pius IX and France. By the Count de Montalembert. W, JeflFs, 15, 
Burlington Arcade. 



A DAT AT MAGENTA 



AFTER THE BATTLE. 



A DAY AT MAGENTA 

A?TER THE BATTLE. 



TuTURE liistorians will have much difficulty in accounting for 
the motives which induced the present ruler of France to assist the 
Italians in their struggle for liberty. Even politicians of the 
present century can scarcely comprehend how it happens that a 
people who have so often laid claim to a large share of Italian 
territory, and contested its possession with the Austrians for nearly 
four centuries, should at length have rushed into an Italian war 
without obtaining either wealth or territory for the French Empire. 
Many supporters of Napoleon III quote the example of his uncle 
as a precedent for his present Italian policy; though, as far as 
it has yet gone, there is little real similarity. It is true that the 
first Napoleon encouraged the liberal feelings of the Italians, and 
fought bloody battles to obtain for them what he called liberty, 
but which was in reality a dependence upon the great French 
republic. — He erected several Italian commonwealths, though he 
always took care that such governments should secure to the French, 
important fortresses, vast extensions of territory, together with money 
and works of art ; whilst the present Emperor seems only to have 
undertaken his Italian expedition, and to have fought as hardly 
contested fields as those of Areola, Hivoli, and Marengo, purely 
to gain for the Itahans an independence which they could not 
have acquired unassisted, and to establish an influence for the 
King of Sardinia, by the cession to him of Lombardy. Such a 
mode of proceeding is so contrary to all antecedent French policy, 
that it may well excite the astonishment of the present age and of 
posterity. 

It would, at first sight, appear that the French Emperor is 
satisfied with having aided Itahan freedom, and having braved 
the chance of drawing upon himself the arms of all Europe. 
Thus he would have us believe that he carried on an Italian war 
for the love he felt towards Italy ; and that he made a hasty treaty 
witii crippled Austria just in time to save her honor, and yet to 
screen himself by the timely proposition of a congress. — The drama, 
however, has not as yet been fully played out, and we may yet live 
to fathom all this cunning. 

Napoleon is desirous, as far as we can see, of raising 
such complications as will render his further interference in Italy 
absolutely necessary, and thus obtain for the French, political, if 



322 A DAY AT MAGENTA AFTEE THE BATTLE. 

not territorial, power in the Peninsula. Whatever his schemes 
may be, they do not render the late struggle in Italy less 
important, or less interesting ; the well-fought fields of Monte- 
bello. Magenta, and Solferino, have obtained for the French 
and the Italians almost equal military renown. The French 
veterans seem to have lost none of the ancient glory for which 
they were so distinguished in the old Italian campaigns of 1796 
and 1800 ; and the youth of Italy, roused from their long sleep 
of inaction, have once more acquired laurels little inferior to those 
which adorned the brows of their ancestors. They have thus 
attracted European interest to their struggling country — that Italy 
which has already been so celebrated for its past history, its arts, 
its fine climate and natural productions. 

All old Italian travellers have been deeply interested in 
the doings of the patriots ; and many an Englishman has in 
consequence visited the localities of the late struggle. I, 
amongst the number, started off in the autumn of the 
past year for the battle-field of Magenta, avaihng myself of the 
assistance and eyes of my old friend, whose companionship has 
lightened so many a M'eary hour. — After having passed through 
France, and visited that district of Switzerland which is rendered 
as interesting, as it is picturesque, by being the scene of the oldest 
traditions of Swiss history ; viz. the native Canton of William Tell, 
its^liberator, and the ground upon which he first raised the standard 
of Swiss independence ; we crossed over the St. Gothard Pass into 
Italy, after having travelled through the whole of the Canton Tessin. 
From Bellinzona we ascended the heights of Monte Cenere, and 
from thence to the lake of Lugano and Como. This, in olden 
days, was the first town on the Austrian frontier; but now, being in 
Sardinia, presents a vast contrast to its former state. No vexatious 
passport restrictions, no police to pry into your business and your 
intentions, now detain you. Your passport and luggage, if vised 
and examined, are done so in the ordinary manner of other countries. 
Indeed all the people we met seemed mad with joy at their newly 
acquired freedom under the auspices of the King of Sardinia, 
and -w-ere brim full of that glory which they had obtained in 
fighting against the Austrians. The very air was filled with 
the prodigies of valour performed by the famous Garibaldi and 
his small patriotic and brave band, that, as is well known, were 
not afraid of attacking a body of 10,000 Austrians, who, posted 
in an admirable position on the top of a lofty eminence, and 
possessed of the advantages of cavalry and artillery, were struck 
with such panic at the desperate charge of Garibaldi and his 
800 men, near Como, and with the general hostility of the 



A DAY AT MAGENTA AFTER THE BATTLE. 223 

surrouiifling population, that tliey scarcely made any resistance, 
but fled in great disorder, leaving to them, besides the mastery 
of the field of battle, a park of artillery, and a large number of 
prisoners. 

We are desirous of ascertaining tlie true feeling of the people of 
Como as to the result of the late struggle, and their notions of 
liberty ; and we did so, whilst taking a row on the lake with a very 
intelligent boatman. On asking what his countrymen had gained 
by their successful struggle against Austria, he replied, " that the 
taxes vrere quite as heavy, and that the people had not acquired any 
real privilege in the government of the country." " Then what have 
you obtained ?" " Well, Signer," he replied, " we are free to stop 
out all night — we may sing, shout, drink, and amuse ourselves as 
much as we please on the Grand Place, without let or hindrance, 
though tobacco is quite as dear as ever, wine is dearer, and employ- 
ment more difficult to obtain than before the war." Such an answer 
was a sufficient proof of the vague ideas which these people enter- 
tain as to the real blessings of liberty, although they could fight 
well and suffer much in its cause. 

Prom Como we easily reached, by rail, the great Lombard 
city, Milan, which has seen such a strange succession of masters 
during the present century; and in which the ridiculous and 
impolitic farce of receiving the Bolognese deputation on its way 
to offer the government of the Legations to the King of Sardinia, 
was being enacted. The decision of the plenipotentiaries of 
the great powers was unfortunately received by the Sardinian 
Government on the very day on which the Eoman deputation en- 
tered Milan. This decision being adverse to Italian unity, the King 
of Sardinia was thus placed in a very difficult position ; as he had 
to steer between oftending his allies, and lowering his position 
and character in the eyes of the Italians. He therefore took 
a middle course, as the Milanese were permitted by the Sardinian 
authorities to indulge in those gaudy ceremonies and noisy rejoic- 
ings, without which no Italian festa is perfect, whether it be a 
religious ceremony, a national revolution, or a private family holiday. 
The churches and public buildings of Milan were illuminated, bells 
were rung, and artillery fired, whilst the deputation went in 
procession to the Cathedral, where it was received with loud accla- 
mations by the populace, who assembled in vast crowds in the sacred 
edifice and in the streets. A banquet was given in La Scala, at 
which Massimo D'AzelUo presided, and made a long and eloquent 
oration to the deputies, recommending " Italian union as strength." 
During his harangue, which was received with much applause, 
banners were carried about the town with " Viva la Unita" emblazoned 
upon them. The various municipal offices were tastefully illuminated, 



224 A DAY AT MAGENTA AFTER TEE BATTLE. 

and even the great spire of the cathedral was lighted with thousands 
of tapers, which produced a very fine effect. — The Corso was also 
very brilliant, being thronged with crowds of well-dressed people, 
all bent on the enjoyment of the hour. As I walked up and down 
the Grand Platza, listening to the exquisite music of the mihtary 
bands, I could not overcome the feeling of disappointment at finding 
that my old Austrian friends had so mistaken the people over whom 
they had ruled, as to have roused the Lombards to a man against 
them. 

From this city we went by a short railway journey to the battle 
field of ]V1 agenta, which, though a considerable period had elapsed 
since the battle, still showed signs of a hotly contested struggle. 
In order that the locality of the battle-field may be understood, it 
will be necessary to explain the exact situation of the town. 
It is on the Lombard side of a canal branch of the river Ticino, 
whose deep and swift stream is traversed by three bridges, two of 
which are placed near the town, and are known as the old 
and new bridge ; a third crossing is at Baffolora, at a distance 
of some two miles to the N. W. The railroad, leading from 
Milan to Novara, crosses this Ticino canal by an iron bridge, 
which formed quite a new adjunct to the art of war ; for to its 
judicious use may be attributed the decision of the battle in favour 
of the French, as much as, in the 14th century, the victories of 
Cre§y and Poitiers were accounted for by the use of artillery. It 
was, of course, the object of the French to obtain possession of both 
the bridges over the river, and of that of the railroad. After 
defending the first bridge with distinguished braver}', the Austrians 
succeeded in effecting their retreat in good order, blowing it 
up after them. In the meantime the most severe conflict went 
on between both parties for the possession of the bridge at 
Buffalora and the railroad. The former was at length carried 
by the French, who had only just time to step upon the 
bridge, when their enemy, with unwonted quickness, lit the match 
and sent the bridge into the air, with dozens of Frenchmen upon it, 
some of whom were precipitated into the water and carried away by 
the current, whilst others swam over and with great vigour charged 
the retreating Austrians. The French, with the promptitude which 
has always distinguished them, immediately replaced this last 
bridge, and threw over the river a pontoon of boats (still standing 
when we visited the spot), which enabled them to cross in great 
numbers. The French were still further reinforced by divisions 
which the rapid communication of the railroad enabled them to 
bring up, and they so overpowed the Austrians that the latter 
were driven back at all points into the town, upon what then became 
their third position. Here a scene of as violent a contest as that 



A DAY AT MAGENTA AFTER THE BATTLE. 225 

of Eylau or Saragossa took place. The possession of every house 
was disputed by the contending parties, and many of tlie dwellings 
wore reduced to heaps of ruins. At the corner of the churchyard, 
as at Eylau, a fearful contest raged. The position was several times 
taken and retaken during the day. The Austrians were, however, 
at length driven out, and the Trench left masters of the town, 
not, however, without having suffered considerable loss ; the brave 
General Espinasse having been killed in the defence of the railroad 
bridge, and several other officers of distinction having lost their 
lives in the conflict. A flank movement was then made by Mac 
Mahon which completely turned the fortunes of the day in favour of 
the Prench and gave them a complete victory. It has been a matter 
of astonishment to all those who have visited the field that so 
advantageously posted, so courageous, and so well-disciplined an 
army as that of Austria, considered by all military authorities 
as among the best in Europe, should have been vanquished 
at every encounter by the French, from Montebello to Solferino. 
An old French General of our acquaintajice endeavoured to ac- 
count for this fact by declaring that the Austrians had lost the 
experience which they had gained in the years 1814 and 1815, 
from want of practice, as they had never since that period been 
engaged in any considerable war, whilst the French had for the last 
28 years been carrying on a series of struggles with the Dutch in 
Belgium, the fierce Moors and Kybeles in Algiers and Morocco, the 
Russians in the Crimea, the determined Cochin Chinese in the 
East ; that by such a diversity of warfare, and with enemies of so 
varied a degree of civilization, the French had retained that skill 
and courage for which their army had always been so distinguislied. 
We could not, however, fully admit that the Austrians had seen no 
service during the last few years, as they were undoubtedly engaged 
both in 1848 and 1850 in Italy, Hungary, Bohemia and Poland; 
and whatever may be said of the Italians, the Hungarians were 
certainly no mean foes to be opposed to ; yet the Austrians were 
generally successful in all the expeditions which they undertook 
during that period. This may, perhaps, be attributed to their 
veteran leaders, who had all been well tried in the old French and 
Turkish wars, and who knew what fighting was, both in practice 
and theory. In the present campaign, however, most of the com- 
manding officers were young men, who had seen no such fields as 
Marengo or Austerlitz. The present defeat of the Austrians in 
Italy may therefore be attributed to three principal reasons : First, 
they committed the old mistake of 1796, of placing all their armies 
immediately under the control of the minister of war at Vienna, 
who made all the plans of the campaign, without being able to 

G G 



226 A DAY AT MAGENTA AFTER THE BATTLE, 

judge whether they could be carried into execution. It thus 
happened that the General actually in command, on the spot, differed 
with his Chief in his bureau at Yienna, the consequence being 
that operations were not carried into execution with the necessary 
vigour. The same case occurred in the campaigns of the first 
Napoleon as in the late war in Italy. Baron Hesse, Minister of 
War, ordered defensive operations, while his General in the field 
considered that the greatest advantage would be acquired by boldly 
advancing, and by attacking the enemy in their own country. Thus 
the schemes of both Generals were tried without success. Secondly, 
the Prench possessed the same advantage over the Austrians 
which the Spaniards had, in a greater degree, over the inhabitants 
of the new world; their artillery was more numerous and efficient. 
Even the Emperor Erancis Joseph himself confessed to Napoleon 
at Yilla Franca that it was impossible for his troops to stand 
against the fire of the improved rifle guns of the French; and 
that he computed, on good authority, he had lost the services of 
upwards of fifty thousand men by wounds as well as death on 
the field of battle from that cause. Further, the French had 
made good use of the advantages to be acquired from the -modern 
inventions of railroads and balloons ; the former enabling them to 
bring up a considerable number of troops at any given point 
with greater rapidity than formerly ; whilst the latter enabled 
them to reconnoitre the enemy's position without laying bare 
their own. Thirdly and lastly, the whole surrounding population 
being inimical to the Austrians, they could not reckon upon supplies, 
or communications being kept open in case of retreat. This was 
enough to dishearten any army, however brave, and however ably it 
might be led. If the Austrian? therefore are ever to regain their 
lost position in Italy, they must give greater discretionary powers to 
their generals in the field, improve their artillery, and ingratiate 
themselves more with the Italians. It will, however, be almost im- 
possible for them to obtain this last requisite for success, as it is not 
so much the exaggerated tyranny of the Austrians which the Italians 
hate, as that their country should be governed by a foreign race, 
whether it bears the name of Austrian or French. It is quite as 
much now the desire of the Italians to drive out the Tramontani 
from the Peninsula as it was in the 15th century ; and we cannot 
say that we hope they will succeed, as we do not think the Italians 
sufficiently strong, either morally or pljysically, to defend their free- 
dom against the aggression of powerful neighbouring states. 



EOUSSEAU ET LES GENEYOIS. 



ROUSSEAU ET LES GlENEVOIS.* 



It is always interesting to consider the lives and acts of men 
who, by their literary eminence, their military achievements, or their 
administrative abilities, have exercised a durable influence for good 
or evil, upon their contemporaries, and on posterity. Literature 
never possessed so much power over men's minds as it did at the 
end of the last century, just before the great revolution of 1789 ; for 
although it is true that the classical labours of Petrarch, Boccaccio, 
Lorenzo de Medici, and other great Italian scholars, gave an impetus 
to the general intellect of the whole of Europe, opened up a new 
philosophy which helped the reformation, to great inventions, and 
progress in arts, science, and political liberty ; in effect, to the civi- 
lization which is now enjoyed by both Europe and America — yet 
their effects were slight when compared with that of the literature 
of the last century. The influence of the early writers was more 
beneficial to mankind than the brilHant works of tlie 18th century ; 
ior tliey did not aim at the overthrow of rehgion and government, 
like the French productions of the latter period; although they 
may, perhaps, have stimulated that spirit of inquiry which eventually 
led to revolutionary results. Both the early and the later writers 
produced evil by pushing their principles to excess ; though both 
were in a way advantageous to the wavering and fickle, by quick- 
ening the spirit of inquiry, and thus giving intellect a wider sphere 
of thouglit. 

It is much to be regretted that the literature of the last century 

* Rousseau ctlcs Gencvois, par M. J. Gabercl, ancien pastcur, Geneva, 1859. 



230 EOTJSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 

should have made every one dissatisfied with existing governments ; 
should have bred a longing for change at any price, and set up 
reason as the guide and chief source of happiness, in opposition to 
morality and religion. It was to be expected, in the corruption 
which existed, both morally and politically, at the end of the last 
century, .that men of enlightened minds would be driven to inquire 
into the causes of such degeneration, co-existent with high civihza- 
tion, great encouragement of art and science, and refinement of taste 
and manners. As usual, they pushed their inquiries too far, and 
ended in the subversion of all religious belief and stable government 
in those states in which their doctrines were most widely spread. 
It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that such men as Voltaire, 
Eousseau, Diderot, Tolney, Hume, and Gibbon, should have ridiculed 
and reasoned against Christianity, rising, as it had done, from such 
small beginnings, and which had degenerated into the superstition 
of Popery, or doctrines so contrary to its teaching, as those incul- 
cated by many of the reformers. It was not less surprising that 
these men should raise their voices against corruption and immora- 
lity, such as were to be met with in nearly every court of Europe, 
as well as that oppression and tyranny so often practised by 
monarchs and nobles of countries where the rights of rank were 
not clearly defined by the established laws or constitutional govern- 
ment. 

Although Yoltaire's abuse of these evils produced worse con- 
sequences than those he deplored, we must not find too much fault 
with opinions of his school, as they were in a measure caused by 
the evils of the time. Eousseau bore a chief part in bringing 
about great changes, both in politics and religion, by the inquiries 
and doctrines which he put forth in his celebrated confessions. 
Their style is sufficiently engaging to lead away the most re- 
flecting and right-minded man by sophistical eloquence; whilst 
his political opinions are so chimerical, that no one but a philo- 
sopher could have conceived them, and no man of common sense 
M'ould have attempted to carry them into practice. Such a mix- 
ture of the subHme and ridiculous must, of course, be traced to 
the fact of Eousseau^s having been born and brought up as a 
rigid repubhcan. His religious belief, whatever may be thought 
of its improbabilities, demands our pity more than our censure. 
Though religion is never unreasonable, it is often incomprehensible, 
and cannot be dealt with as a mathematical problem, or a principle 
in natural science, to be proved by tangible evidence, or experiment. 
Some of its doctrines may, therefore, at first sight, appear para- 
doxical; as, for instance, that which teaches us that we can do 
nothing good of ourselves, and must reckon on the merits of a 



IIOUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 231 

Saviour to make us guiltless in the sight of the Deity, and which 
yet, nevertheless, requires that we should support such a faith by 
good conduct, and a well-regulated life, as far as lies in our power. 
A doctrine such as this must appear, to a keen and sceptical mind 
like Rousseau's, wholly untenable ; yet it has been attempted to 
prove, in a work which has been lately published at Geneva, that 
notwithstanding the doctrines which Eousseau professed by his 
writings and his life, he nevertheless was impressed during his later 
years with the religious vieios of his childhood. 

The arguments which are produced by Mons. Gaberel in his new 
life of Eousseau are plausible enough, but go far to disprove what 
they are intended to establish. It is a very difficult matter to say 
what a man's religious convictions are, when he is on his death- 
bed," and is terrified at his approaching end. We shall, however, 
leave the character of Rousseau to the decision of our readers, 
and simply state the leading features of his life, as told by his 
recent biographer. 

It appears that he was the son of a dancing-master, a man 
of extreme levity of character. He was born in the year 1713, at 
Geneva. His father's frivolity, which often led him to jest on the 
most serious matters, was not calculated to impress his son, Jean 
Jacques, with any very high respect for religion or morality. His 
early education, however, seems to have been solid, and, as far as 
worldly knowledge was concerned, judicious. He studied Roman 
history, in some of the great writers, who taught him high esteem 
for heroic deeds. He once frightened his father by attempting 
to imitate the Roman pro- consul, who declared he would rather 
burn his hand than sign an ignominious treaty. Young Rous- 
seau all but destroyed his own hand in trying to act the 
part of his admired hero. Much as we may laugh at this 
display of childish enthusiasm, such traits of character often mark 
the intellect and disposition of the man ; and it was probably this 
esteem for the heroic virtues of the ancient rulers of Rome, that 
produced, in after life, in the mind of Rousseau that contempt for 
luxury, indolence, and self-indulgence, which spurred him on to the 
attainment, under great disadvantages, of literary and philosophical 
eminence. 

He was early enticed, during his residence at Turin, to change 
his religion and to espouse the Roman Catholic faith. This 
sudden conviction in favour of the Church of Rome, and his 
subsequent change to Protestantism, must have given him, like the 
famous historian. Gibbon, no very high respect for the Christian 
religion in general, and have entirely unsettled his ideas as 
to the truth of any one sect in particular. Soon after this period 



233 ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 

he goes to Paris^ where he publishes his first work — a play, which 
was represented on the French stage, but was most unpopular, 
and entirely failed on the first night of its representation. He 
does not appear to have been very sanguine of its success, and 
after having witnessed its reception, had the candour to express pub- 
licly that its doom was merited, and himself its author. He seems 
to have published several works after this first attempt, which 
were severely criticised by a celebrated writer of the day for their 
want of style and ignorance of grammar. Eousseau was, however, 
undaunted, and by close study attempted to remedy his many 
defects. He read constantly and carefully the best French authors 
of his own times, and of the periods immediately preceding, taking 
as his inodels the works of Yoltaire and Montesquieu, an excellent 
school for style, if not for morality. 

At the age of 38, Rousseau first began his literary career, by 
answering a question which was proposed by the University of Dijon, 
as to " what art, science, and civilization, had done for the happiness 
of mankind ?'' His essay was so masterly in style, and so powerful 
in reasoning, that it not only obtained for him the prize of the 
University, but the admiration and attention of the best writers in 
France ; although he opposed the opinion of the University, and 
of men of sound sense, in declaring that real happiness was only 
to be met with in the savage state. 

His biographer gives several anecdotes with the object of 
proving Rdusseau^s simplicity in morals, and what he is pleased to 
call " his over-republican sensitiveness,^' but which ought properly 
to be termed " his extreme irritability of temper.''^ In support of 
the former, he cites the following anecdote : " Diderot, a famous 
French author and a luxurious nobleman, called upon our philoso- 
pher in order to enjoy his conversation. Rousseaa wished to know 
whether he was to ascribe the honour of the visit to a desire on the 
part of the Frenchman to ridicule his mode of living. Diderot 
replied, " that he had called to learn philosophy from sage lips." 
Rousseau at once replied, " you shall see how simply and frugally a 
republican can live," — and forthwith turning to his servant, ordered 
tlie usual repast to be prepared, with another plate for Diderot. 
The meal consisted of some very poor soup, a few slices of plain 
roasted meat, and a very little wine of the country ; but the conver- 
sation was piquant, full of esprit and of learning. Jean Jacques' 
sobriety, however, under the circumstances, might be called an 
ostentatious display of temperance before such a guest, in order to 
establish a reputation for asceticism. Again he tells us that Voltaire, 
Diderot, Rousseau, and several other literary men, were gathered 
together one evening to listen to the reading of an essay " On the 



ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 2 '33 

Dramii" by a poor priest. The author contended, witli singular ori- 
ginality, that all comedy consisted in a marriage, and the difficulties 
attending thereon ; whilst the subject of all tragedy was a murder, 
the motives which had led to its perpetration, and the events which 
preceded and followed the denouement. During the perusal of this 
strange essay, Eousseau became each moment more and more indig- 
nant, and at length rose from his chair, stepped up to the author, 
snatched the MSS. from his hands, and threw it into the fire. The 
poor priest retreated in dismay, whilst the philosopher's friends could 
not refrain from a hearty laugh at this ridiculous explosion. 

As we have already observed, Mons. Gaberel attempts to excuse 
this irritability of temper, by stating that it was occasioned by the 
over-sensitive feeling of a man who lived in a small town where his 
actions were closely watched, and his motives often calumniated by 
malicious neighbours. The apology is, however, a poor one for such 
a display of temper on so trifling a provocation. The biographer 
also endeavours to make out that his hero was not destitute of reli- 
gious feeling, because he was benevolent to the poor, and ready to 
relieve their wants. Now, although charity arises from a true reli- 
gious feeling, it sometimes exists without it, as in the case of the 
famous historian, Hume, who, notwithstanding his scepticism, v/as 
remarked not only for his benevolence to the poor, but for amiability 
of character towards his relatives and friends. 

Eousseau, after a long banishment, desired again to be restored 
to his country, and to the enjoyment of the rites of Genevese citizen- 
ship. He could not do this, however, without relinquishing his 
Koman Catholic errors, and becoming once more a Calvinist. He 
felt little scruple in again renouncing his faith, and in thus sud- 
denly changing convictions which had to all appearance been firmly 
rooted in his mind by many years of adherence. Now that his 
interests demanded it, he made the required renunciation, and ob- 
tained those coveted privileges which were duly accorded to him. 
This rapid change in his religious sentiments does not speak well for 
the sincerity of the man, notwithstanding that his biographer and 
his admirers are pleased to assert the contrary. It was now ex- 
pected that Eousseau, having been confirmed in all the rights of 
citizenship, would continue to reside in his native town, and adorn 
and render more efficient some of the officers of the republic. As 
an inducement to remain in Geneva, his friends proposed to obtain 
for him the post of Gustos of the City Library, which offered a good 
salary, and a suitable occupation for a literary man, and which 
might lead to some more important office. Itousseau, however, 
declined the offer, giving, as a reason, that he knew little Latin, 
and was ignorant of Greek ; that he liad a bad memory, and was 

H H 



2'di! ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 

no man of business. Moreover, he does not seem to have really 
liked Geneva, which may account for his refusal of office. Hav- 
ing obtained the protection of Frederick the (ireat, who may be 
said to have formed a rallying point for philosophers and men of 
letters of Rousseau's school, he retired to the Canton of Neufchatel, 
where he was enabled to pursue his literary and philosophical labours 
unmolested. The governor of the canton who ruled for the King of 
Prussia, was the famous Earl Marshal of Scotland, brother to the 
gallant Marshal Keith, who lost his hfe in Frederick's service at 
the battle of Hochkirchen in 1758. His esteem for Eousseau was so 
great that he used to call him his son, whilst the respect of the latter 
for the Scottish statesman was such that he always considered Keith 
as his father. The Earl Marshal, one of bVederick's most intimate 
friends, had been obliged to quit Scotland on account of the share 
which he took in the rebellion of 1745, and entered the service of 
the King of Prussia, who at once appointed him governor of the 
Canton of Neufchatel; in the administration of which, as well as by 
his diplomatic sagacity at Madrid, he distinguished himself as the 
representative of Prussia. He was the first person who had any sus- 
picion of the existence of tlie family compact between the courts of 
France and Spain, and he communicated this information to Mr. 
Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, for which service he obtained a 
pardon from the British Crown, and resided for some time in Scotland, 
from which country he was at length recalled to his foreign post by 
the earnest solicitations of Frederick II. He died at the great age of 
83, with all his faculties in full vigour. 

Housseau enjoyed the friendship of this able man during his 
quiet retreat at Neufchatel, where, it appears, Jean Jacques carried 
on a large correspondence with many of the crowned heads of Europe, 
their chief statesmen, and with the most eminent ecclesiastics and 
scholars of both Roman Catholic and Protestant creeds. The 
numerous letters which he there wrote are preserved in the library 
at Neufchatel, and have been carefully arranged by the different 
librarians to whom the charge of that institution has been committed. 
These documents have formed the basis upon which the book before 
us has been compiled. Although we cannot agree in all that has 
been put forward in Rousseau's behalf by his able biographer, we 
cannot but highly praise the research and care with which Mons. 
Gaberel has arranged his little volume, and selected the most striking 
correspondence in order to throw light on his subject. 

During his retirement, Rousseau varied his occupations by 
visiting the French capital, by composing his two great works, 
"Le Contrat Social," and "TEmile." The former contained his 
political opinions, and the latter his religious ideas ; though some 



ROUSSEAU ET LES GKNEVOIS. 235 

insight into his reh'gious creed may be obtained from scattered 
passages in his first work. His general poHtical principles seem to 
have been, that all kings ought to be amenable to the laws ; that 
they should rule their subjects for the general advantage of the state, 
and not as thougli man was made only to increase the power and 
pander to the pride of king-craft, a notion which seems to have been 
generally entertained in those days by monarchs and statesmen ; 
that the people themselves should have a share in the legislature, 
and in the levying of taxes ; that equality of rights, as far as it 
could be obtained at home, and peace in the intercourse with foreign 
nations, ought, hi Eousseau's opinions, to form the distinguishing 
features of govermnent. His works, however, wnll better display in 
detail what his ideas actually WTre, though we are unable in our 
limited space to do more than sketch their contents. The "Con- 
trat Social '^ may be divided into three parts : the first containing 
an extract from the writings of an Abbe whose political views 
concurred with those of Eousseau, altliough pushed to much greater 
extremes than the opinions of the Genevese philosopher. He con- 
tends for the social doctrine that both rulers and ruled ought to 
possess equal riglits; in fact, that all classes of a nation should 
be allowed, and be able to perform, the task of government for them- 
selves, and that both labour and responsibility should be equalized 
throughout all ranks of the country. If his ideas on internal 
constitution are difficult to be carried out — though few men in that 
day would have adan'tted the fact — his ideas of foreign intercourse 
are still more eccentric and impracticable. He desired that all the 
nations of the earth should form a compact with each other, 
similar to that of. the German Confederation, and that whenever 
disputes arose, they should be settled by a meeting of the various 
representatives, instead of by an appeal to arms. Housseau, in the 
second part of his book, regrets that so sensible a man as the Abbe 
should have put forward so Utopian a theory, without perceiv- 
ing how impossible it was to carry it out, under the conditions, 
and with the characters of those nations of the earth who at that 
period of history held absolute sway. As mere views, however, he 
stamps them with his approval as both just and sensible; though he 
complains that those states of Europe which have adopted a legisla- 
tive constitution, have, nevertheless, degenerated from their ideas of 
freedom, and allowed the king and the higher ranks to assume 
supreme power, although concealed under a more popular name of 
government. He considers that all empires which owe their 
origin to conquest, have acquired an unjust, and therefore not a 
permanent stability ; and further, looks upon the commercial in- 
fluence of such countries as Holland and England, although great, 



236 ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 

not to be permanent. Here he breaks out into a panegyric on the 
delights of uncivilized life : — " And you, savage tribes, with your 
shell- fish on the shore, your sports, your rude huts, and your simple 
manners, be happy, and remain contented in your barbarism. Do 
not emulate the refinement and the knowledge of civihzed nations, 
which only bring misery in their train." 

Eousseau shows his religious opinions in this book, by going out 
of his way to abuse and ridicule Christianity, by asserting that a 
thoroughly Christian state, governed by the doctrines of religion, 
would not be allowed to arm it to resist foreign] aggressioM, and 
would, in consequence, sink into a mere nonentity. He must well 
liave known, when he put forth this opinion, that such a state 
as he describes could not exist in the present condition"^of the 
world ; and he therefore must have writteu these observations for 
the mere sake of casting ridicule on our religion. 

The third part of the " Contrat Social," which is by far the 
most sensible portion of the book, contains a number of letters 
written to a member of council in the Corsican repubhc, in which 
much sage admonition, with regard to the qualifications of those 
who are to fill posts in the legislature or administer the affairs of 
the state, is volunteered. He proposes that no one should be 
made a member of the council, or the chamber, until he should 
have reached the mature age of fifty, and become capable of dis- 
charging its duties by a long service in inferior offices, in which 
his capabilities could be tested, and experience acquired. The 
advice which he gives in this part of his work'is worthy of i\\& 
attention of statesmen of any country and any government. It may 
be said that the principles of the first part of Eonsseau's work are 
simply impracticable in the present state of human affairs ; and that 
the nearest approach that has been made as yet towards carrying 
them into practice, occurs in an article in the late Treaty of Paris, 
in which it is agreed, that if any difference should occur between 
any two powers, they shall be requested, previous to appealing to 
arms, to call upon the great powers to mediate between them. 

Of the doctrines of the second part, it may be observed, that 
they are only made attractive by the imagination, the eloquent style, 
and the reasoning powers of the author; for the evidence of the 
whole of history goes to prove, that a savage condition produces 
wars, murders, and internal disturbances of every kind, which can 
only be restrained with difficulty, by a very powerful, and superior- 
minded chief; and that even such a state of things is incompatible 
Avitli that peace which llousseau so desires and recommends. The 
. third part of the bock is the only one which is really solid, and 
which does not need beauty of style or elaborate arguments to 
recommend it. 



E0U3SEAU ET I.ES GENEVOIS. 237 

As may be expected^ such a political work as " Lc Coiitrat 
Social" caused a great sensation throughout Europe. It was 
assailed by the parliament of Paris, as containing doctrines subver- 
sive of the king's government, and it condemned the work to be 
burnt by the common hangman ; which sentence was actually carried 
into effect. The great council of Geneva, in order to please the Due 
de Choiseul, who was then first minister in Prance, passed the same 
sentence npon Eousseau's writings. It was, however, opposed by a 
large number of citizens, as well as by Rousseau's private friends ; 
the former considering the measure to be an encroachment upon the 
liberty of the citizen, whilst the latter argued that, however adverse 
Eousseau's political aud religious notions might be to Prench 
ecclesiastical and civil government, there was nothing in them 
contrary to tlie free constitution of a Swiss republic like Geneva, 
where the most liberal ideas were entertained upon civil government, 
and where a large latitude was permitted to all religions, so long as 
they were not similar to the Eoman Catholic, and did not differ much 
in their morals from the austerities taught by the Calvinistic creed. 
Rousseau's works, notwithstanding this opposition, were committed 
to the flames, and ilie council of Geneva thereby placed itself in a 
very awkward position with its citizens, who considered themselves 
outraged, and therefore resolved to support their injured philosopher 
and his principles by an appeal to arras. It required all Rousseau's 
influence and persuasions to induce his friends to abstain from means 
so contrary to all liis own principles, and so injurious to the cause 
of freedom. He at length calmed their irritability, and obtained 
permission of the government of Geneva to re-publish his writings 
in that city ; and he congTatulated his friends from England, in 
which country be then resided, on this peaceable and honourable 
termination of their differences. 

About this time his quarrel with his old friend Yoltaire com- 
menced, which Gaberel ascribes to the attempt of Yoltaire to introduce 
a theatre into Geneva, together with the luxurious mode of Prench 
living, and the pleasures of French society ; innovations so contrary 
to the rigid morality of the Calvinists. Rousseau, accordhig to his 
biogra])her, strenuously opposed all these innovations of the French 
poet and historian. In our opinion, these disputes ought to be 
attributed rather to the jealousy and wounded vanity of the great 
\vriters, who felt that they divided the favour of all the courts and 
monarchs of Europe, by writings which were influential in form- 
ing the opinions of mankind, and who had frequently hurled 
brilliant sarcasm at each other. Yoltaire calumniated Rousseau 
because he opposed him in his schemes for acquiring power and 



238 ]10USSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 

popularity in the town of Geneva, and Eousseau retorted upon 
Voltaire with equal keenness. 

Gaberel speaks much of Rousseau's religious principles, as displayed 
in "lyEmile/' and labours hard to prove that Rousseau was not an 
infidel, but that he had been taken for such, simply on enter- 
taining views of the Christian religion somewhat at variance 
Mnth the teachings of the clergy; an opinion likewise entertained 
by many German students of philosophy. The book before us, 
however, is conclusive that the Genevese philosopher held some 
infidel opinions ; though Gaberel stoutly asserts that Rousseau's 
works refuted Yoltaire's deistical arguments. Yoltaire's being a 
materialist, does not, however, constitute Rousseau a Christian. 
Rousseau, beyond doubt, held many arguments in support of natural 
theology ; he, however, sneers at the professors of our religion, at its 
teaching, and many of its tenets, and must, by the showing of our 
author, have been at heart a deist, if not somewhat of a materialist. 
His defence of what he calls natural religion obtained for him 
the favour of a large body of the clergy at Geneva, and thereby pro- 
voked the anger and sarcasm of Voltaire, who declared that Rousseau 
was a traitor to his friends, and to the cause of materialism. 

Rousseau soon after published a work, known as " Les Lettres 
de La Montague," in which he pushed his principles to even greater 
extremes. These may, without doubt, and in spite of all Mr. 
Gaberel can say to the contrary, be considered atheistical ; and 
the pastors of Geneva became both indignant and sorrowful at their 
old friend and defender Rousseau adopting ideas in opposition to 
their creed ; whilst Voltaire was, in his turn, quite as much elated at 
Rousseau's apostacy, rejoicing that so powerful an ally had been 
gained on the side of infidelity. The Genevese still continued 
their attachment to Rousseau, notwithstanding the opposition of , 
their clergy, and much desired that the philosopher should again 
reside amongst them. Our author here endeavours to excuse those 
extremes to which Rousseau was carried in his last work, by stating 
that they were in part occasioned by political rancour and irritation, 
and that Rousseau was pushed into a corner by the violence of his 
political adversaries. Henevertlieless showed, by his private conver- 
sation, that he never really intended to put forward extreme doctrines ; 
that he often contended against those of his friends who urged upon 
him the arguments of his own writings ; and also, that his first work 
had done much good to the Calvinistic clergy, by inducing them to 
reflect upon, and to alter some of, the austerities of their observances. 

Political irritation is no apology for infideUty. Whatever 
Rousseau may have said in his conversations in contradiction to his 
writings only proves that he must have been a man of great in- 



ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOTS. 239 

sincerity, and tliat his avowed convictions on either side of the 
question were not to be relied on. He couhl never repair the harin 
he had done rch'giouin his writings by privately contending against 
his own arguments in the daily discourse with his friend:? ; whilst 
whatever assistance he rendered to the Genevese clergy by his proofs 
of natwral theologjj he completely neutralized by the extreme doc- 
trines which he advocated in his later works. 

Mons. Gaberel gives an amusing account of our philosopher's 
disputes with Voltaire ; and quotes a long extract from one of his 
works, to prove that Rousseau was not an infidel ; and that, in later 
life, he had lost none of the vigour and eloquence of style which had 
distinguished his earlier productions. Tliese anecdotes do not place 
the character of Rousseau in a very happy light'; though they de- 
serve to be noticed. 

There was once at Geneva a friend of Rousseau of the name of 
Tronchin, who seems to have been a man of some scientific eminence, 
and who was also well acquainted with Voltaire. He endeavoured 
to soften the differences which existed between these two great 
writers ; though he agreed with .Rousseau in opposing the Prench 
innovations of Voltaire, and in preserving the original simplicity of 
manners and morals of the Genevese. Rousseau even desired 
that morals similar to those of the Spartan republic should be 
introduced into Geneva. Tronchin objected, remarking that " such 
manners were neither applicable to the age nor to the Swiss 
republic." Several angry letters passed between them on this 
subject — Rousseau seeming to think that Tronchin blamed him for 
his opinions ; whilst the latter reminded him that he only differed 
with Rousseau as to the expediency of applying these remedies ; 
though fully admitting, in theory, their excellence and wisdom. 
This simple difference in opinion so irritated Eousseau that it 
occasioned a coolness between the two friends which ultimately 
terminated in the total interruption of their intimacy ; and not- 
withstanding the attempts of many of their mutual friends, a 
reconciliation was never brought about. Tronchin endeavoured to 
persuade the philosopher to return to his native city, assuring him 
that, whatever might be the ideas of the rest of the world, Rous- 
seau's own fellow citizens felt the most unbounded admiration for 
his talent and his political and social virtues. Rousseau, however, 
preferred the French capital to Geneva, where he kept up an 
acquaintance with many of the most celebrated and opulent of his 
countrymen then settled at Paris. This circle of acquaintance 
seems to have been very exclusive, as few writers and men of 
eminence were admitted into it. The coterie was made up 



240 EOUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS . 

of Mons. Verner, a wealthy banker, who managed the small funds 
of Eousseau, and disposed of them to great advantage ; the well- 
known Necker, who afterwards played so distinguished a part in the 
great French Eevolution ; together with Lenieps and Coindet. Mons. 
Gaberel relates an anecdote, which, although it displays some eccen- 
tricity of character, clearly proves that RousSeau did not on all 
occasions display that vanity which his constant quarrels with his 
best literary friends rendered so apparent in his character. In the 
month of April, 1775, Yernet, Necker, and some other eminent 
Swiss savaus then resident in Paris, had invited the philosopher to a 
petit soupe. Jean Jacques did not, however, make his appearance 
at the stated time ; and, after waiting with some impatience for 
nearly three hours, the whole party began to be somewhat 
anxious for their friend, who was usually most punctual in keeping 
appointments. Yernet, who was curious to know the fate of the 
missing party, went round to Rousseau's lodgings ; on arriving at 
which, he was met by a strong odour of smoke, and at once believed 
the house to be on fire. On entering the apartment of Rousseau, all 
fear for the safety of his friend was removed. Rousseau was calmly 
standing before the fire, in one of his most abstracted moods. Yernet 
began by reproaching him with his want of punctuality and courtesy. 
Rousseau replied : " I have been employed in the useless task of com- 
posing a work, which, after all my pains and trouble, is only worthy 
to be cast into the fire." On turning to the grate, Yernet perceived 
a large mass of papers, just beginning to scorch, "If the manu- 
script is not in your opinion worth publication or preservation," 
cried Yernet, '' at least allow me the pleasure of rescuing it from 
the flames, and keeping it as a remembrance of the author ?" Rous- 
seau granted the request ; and the manuscript thus rescued proved 
to be one of Rousseau's ablest works. 

From such characteristic traits, we can only conclude that Jean 
Jacques was a man of eccentric and irritable temper, who was easily 
provoked by his best friends, and who, when once irritated, seldom 
became reconciled. His private character goes against the supposition 
that he was a religious man ; whilst his whole life throughout, as 
described in the book before us, seems to have been one great coii- 
flict within himself between Christianity and infidelity. Whatever 
liis morals may have been, his character was certainly not one of the 
most amiable ; whilst the speculative bent of his mind, as displayed 
in his writings, rather inclined him towards atheism in religion, and 
liberalism in politics. 

In the concluding chapter, our author gives us a description of 
the beauties of scenery to be met with in Geneva and its neighbour- 
hood ; and contends that they were never thoroughly appreciated 



ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 142 

uiitil described by the pen of Rousseau, and embellished by his 
elegance of style and vivid imagination. He seems to think that 
Rousseau's account of the picturesque mountains and the placid 
lake first led travellers to turn their attention to Swiss scenery, and 
to the icy regions of the Alps. He quotes many passages from 
Rousseau's works, in which the philosopher recommends travelling 
as a means of appreciating the beauties of nature, as conducive to 
bodily health and mental reflection, and as a contrast to the 
idle luxury of towns, and the solid enjoyment and healthy recre- 
ations of a country life. We are told that, notwithstanding the 
irritability of Jean Jacques Rousseau's character, he could, after a 
good country walk, become as cheerful and convivial as most men. 
In one of these walks, Rousseau stopped to rest at a fine chateau 
near Montreux, and, whilst reposing in the garden, the proprietor 
suddenly confronted him. Rousseau at once began to praise the 
manner in which the gardens and vineyards were kept, observing 
that excellent wine must be procured from the latter. The pro- 
prietor at once invited Jean Jacques to taste his wine. He repaired 
" a la cave,'' refreshed himself with a glass, and then enquired the 
name of his hospitable host. "Monsieur, je suis le Banneret de 

Gleyrolles Et vous. Monsieur, qui avez I'air si bon enfant, oserais — 

je vous demander votre nom ?" " Mon nom ! je m'appelle Rousseau." 
*' Rousseau — Monsieur Jean Jacques — Eh! Monsieur, excusez de 
vous avoir re^u ainsi Monsieur Jean Jacques . . . . Et moi qui vous 
donnais du uouveau." The Banneret pressed on Rousseau some of 
his choicest wine, under the influence of which Jean Jacques became 
so exhilarated that he sang one of his favourite songs all the way 
home. This anecdote certainly proves that Rousseau, with all his 
grave and sober reflections, could sometimes be a jolly fellow, and 
descend to the level and enjoyments of ordinary mortals. 

Clarence, near which the philosopher must have passed in his 
walk from Montreux, furnished him with materials for one of his 
most ideal works, which was however rendered defective by the 
picture of the immoral Erench society of that day which it con- 
tained. 

Gaberel seems to insist on the attention whicli Rousseau gave to 
the subject of educational reform. His work, however, on that 
subject rather served to point out existing evils, than furnish a remedy. 
That he was horrified at the practice, common in those days, of 
parents, both in the higher and middle ranks, abandoning the care 
of their children to servants, whilst they themselves indulged in 
gaiety and frivolity, was a step in the right direction. He, how- 
ever, gives but few principles by which such crying evils can be 
corrected. He once replied to a man that boasted of having 

1 I 



242 ROUSSEAU ET LES GENEVOIS. 






brought up a son according to the Rousseau scheme of education : 
" So much the worse for liim. I never intended to give you any method 
which you might carry into practice, but rather to point out exist- 
ing evils in all education." Gaberel, the Rousseau praiser, calls 
this find-fault-tone of Rousseau's life the lamentable page in it; 
and, moreover, blames the philosopher for his adoption of the worst 
manners and morality of French society. 

Rousseau seems to have died with singular calmness at Ermenon- 
ville, a place situated between Paris and the Belgium frontier, in full 
vigour of mind and use of all his faculties. He is said to have 
reproached his wife for weeping at his fate ; and to have asked her 
if she wished to deprive him of the happiness wliich was in store for 
him in the next world, " hij the mercy of God!'' This last expression 
agreeably uttered by the expiring philosopher, would almost induce 
one to think that he had in his last moments relinquished the 
opinions of his life, and that he had died a religious man. It is by 
no means improbable that the terrors of death had impressed him 
with the certainty of a future. Sach a belief is often produced by 
fear, and is not therefore always the firm and calm conviction of a 
reflecting mind. 

It appears, from the' statement of our author, that much 
respect was shown to the memory of Rousseau, long after his 
death, both by his countrymen and the French republic, and that 
the latter celebrated the anniversary of his birth with great rejoic- 
ings ; whilst the former erected a suitable monument to the memory 
of their fellow citizen, by placing, in the year 1828, a fine bronze 
statue on I'lle de Barques, in the Lake of Geneva. The prin- 
cipal leaders of the allied army, when passing through Ermenon- 
ville, in 1814, visited the tomb of Rousseau, and thus testified their 
respect for his memory. Gaberel winds up his many praises of 
Rousseau by endeavouring to prove that many of the speeches of 
the principal orators of the National Assembly were copied from the 
Contrat Social and other works of Rousseau ; and that Rousseau, in 
publishing his republican opinions, was in no "way answerable for 
the horrors of the French Revolution, any more than Martin Luther 
and the first Reformers could be held responsible for the excesses of 
the Anabaptists at Muntz. It should, however, be remembered, 
that, while on the one case good examples invariably brought about 
bad effects — in the other, the doctrines enunciated were certain to 
produce the evils which unfortunately followed. Rousseau well 
merited the admiration and applause of his fellow citizens for a 
certain largeness of mind ; for his perseverance in raising himself 
from a low condition in society to be tlie first writer of the age ; 
whilst the pains he took to improve his style, and his industry under 



ROUSSEAU ET LBS GENEVOIS.. 21-3 

gi'cat disadvantages, luay claim foi liim a place bcsidi; his eminent 
American coteniporary, Benjamin Franklin. They both raised them- 
selves from a low position by their own efforts; botb were self- 
taught, and both exercised an immense influence upon the poHtical 
and moral condition of their countrymen, and indeed of the con- 
tinents which they inhabited ; whilst their power has lasted and has 
produced great and permanent effects upon posterity. We must, 
however, remember, that, while Rousseau only exerted an influence 
on liberalism, philosophy, and politics, and that for evil — the 
American made discoveries in physical science, which have since 
greatly altered the condition of mankind, and which will be beneficial 
to the latest posterity. Again, the Swiss philosopher was a man of 
irritable temper, easily provoked, and difficult to appease. The 
American combined with those of the philosopher and statesman, the 
most amiable private qualities, which obtained for him many friends. 
The Swiss, again, had the better of Franklin in style, for the Ame- 
rican's language was never more than simple, clear, and short ; he 
could not clothe his subject with the same elegance of diction as 
that employed by Jean Jacques Eousseau. Of Rousseau, it may be 
said that he was indeed a great and brilliant man, but not a religious 
one, as our author would have us believe. 

Although we cannot agree with M. Gaberel in all he says con- 
cerning Rousseau, we must give him credit for research and clearness 
in arranging this little book, and the impartiality with which he 
delineates the character of the philosopher. He has brought to light 
many new facts, which are always useful to the historian in an en- 
quiring age like the present. We may therefore be allowed to 
express a hope that the same energy and talent will be again em- ' 
ployed on some other biography, to which may he give as much 
thought and care as he has done to the life of Jean Jacques Rousseau. 



LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH, 

DANS SES RAPPORTS AVEO LA RELIGION. 



^ 



LOUIS THE rOURTEEN'TH, • 

DANS SES RAPPORTS AVEO LA RELIGION.* 



Nothing so completely marks the line between modern and 
ancient history as the effect of religion on politics in the two 
different periods. In ancient times religion and morals held a 
high place in the consideration of rulers, and often, if not always, 
contributed to the formation of the national character. Thus the 
Brahmin creed in India, and the ecclesiastical caste in Egypt, went 
far towards giving the people of both those countries a veneration 
for religion, a speculative and argumentative mind, and a peaceful 
and laborious character ; whilst the Persian and Chaldean idolatry of 
the heavenly bodies created an astronomical taste, and enabled the 
people to make progress in science. The fables of Hellenic mytho- 
logy excited the imagination and patriotism of the Greeks, and no 
doubt gave to their literature an extraordinary and early poetic 
character. The veneration of the God of War by the Eomans, and 
their stern morals, tended to the formation of that character which 
made them conquerors of the ancient world, and the most practical 
and sensible of nations, whose durable laws and works formed models 
for their conquerors centuries after they had ceased to exist. In all 
these states, the sacerdotal order held a high position, and the cere- 
monies of religion, as well as the condition of morals of the ])eople in 
each, occupied the serious attention of their rulers and lawgivers. In 
none, however, was a man persecuted for refusing to adopt the pecu- 
liar idolatry of the country, and few attempts were made to convince 
the sceptic that the religious opinions of the nation amongst whom he 
dwelt were more correct than his own. The consequence was, that 
religious wars amongst the ancients were rare. The Jewish strug- 
gles in Palestine were certainly of a religious character, and were 
often exterminating, bloody, and durable in their effects. They 
should not, however, be strictly quoted as historical exceptions, as 
they arose from a distinct chain of circumstances peculiarly ordered 
by the Almighty to advance his chosen people ; and they do not give 
the same play to human passions and motives as the Huguenot 
wars of Prance ; the rising against Philip II, in the Low Coun- 
tries; the contentions between the German princes and Charles 
V ; and the subsequent thirty years' war in Europe. In all these 
modern struggles the contending parties alike considered that they 

* Du GouTernement de Louis XIV dans ses Rapports avec la Eeligion. Par 
H. De Marne. Bar le Due — Contant — Laguerre, Eue Rousseau, 1860. 



248 LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

were acting conscientiously, that they were sapported by Heaven, 
and were fighting to maintain their own religious opinions. 
Whereas the nations whom the Jews conq[nered, principally con- 
tended for territory in self-defence. As every one knows, the 
ferocity of the religion of the northern nations greatly contri- 
buted to that courage which vanquished the hitherto_ irresistible 
Eoman legions, and to overthrow the Eoman Empire, it was, how- 
ever, reserved for more modern periods to witness the spectacle of a 
religion which in its principles taught peace and good- will towards 
men, but in its practice raised bitter contentions and disputes between 
ecclesiastics and laymen, and ultimately brought about persecutions 
and bloody wars. 

Many causes contributed to the difference between precept and 
practice in the Christian faith, which it will be necessary to notice 
before we approach our subject. History tells us of two religions in 
which coercion has been used — the Christian and the Mahomedan. 
The one brought suffering on its followers from the first, but only 
throve by persecution ; whilst the other started with the principle 
that its tenets must be propagated by the sword. The founders 
of both religions were surrounded at first by few followers, 
though their opinions made rapid progress in an incredibly short 
period. Here terminates the likeness between them. The Chris- 
tians were persecuted by both Jew and Gentile from the very earliest 
periods ; and there seemed, humanly speaking, to be little chance 
of their doctrine becoming universal. It, however, quickly ex- 
tended itself throughout the whole of the Eoman Empire. But, as 
the Church grew strong, heretical doctrines crept in amongst her fol- 
lowers, whose conduct was much influenced by the circumstances of 
nation and climate; the subtle minds of the Greek scholars soon 
led them to dispute on mere words, whilst the enthusiastic character 
of the African converts led them to support their various opinions 
by appeal to arras. At length, in the fourth century, the Christians 
obtained a decided advantage by the conversion of Constantine to the 
new faith ; and some of the more far-sighted Christians were willing 
to admit some slight degree of pagan error into the church, in order 
to ingratiate their very numerous pagan brethren. The combina- 
tion of Christianity with heathenism gradually became still greater as 
the western empire declined, and the Teutonic tribes of the north 
became masters of the Eoman provinces ; and as these nations were 
converted, it was found necessary to give them a higher veneration 
for the ecclesiastical body than had been entertained in the earlier 
and purer ages of the church. Thus, Eome, owing to her universal 
sway, became the chief civilizing and converting power. Al- 
though she was invaded and plundered by hordes of barbarians. 



LOUIS XIV ET LA EELIGION. 249 

and her temporal power destroyed, yet she early began to exercise 
that spiritual authority which has been so injurious to nations in 
general, and to the doctrines of Christianity in particular, and to 
endeavours to proselytize by persecution. 

The Pope first assumed power in Eome during the sixth century, 
when he aided the people to assert their own rights against the 
oppressive tyranny of the Greek Emperors and their governors. 
K/Ome was then looked upon next to Jerusalem, as a most sacred 
locale, to which pilgrimages were made by men of all classes, and 
even by sovereigns. It was the chief city of one of the three great 
Italian sees, as well as, at one time, the universal capital. The Popes 
also derived power from their activity in sending missionaries to 
Germany, the Low Countries, and the British Isles; and they still 
further increased their strength by their well-known disputes with 
the Lombards, and the assistance which they obtained from Pepin 
and his son Charles, with that of their Frank subjects. The Pontiffs 
likewise obtained grants of land from both these princes, and the 
coronation of Charles, or Charlemagne, as he is better known, the 
Emperor of the west, in 800, was quite as advantageous to the 
Pope as to the monarch. The former derived from it his claim to 
crown the future Emperors of Germany, who were successors of the 
Carlo vingian race. The Papal power was kept down during Charles's 
reign ; but the weak and superstitious character of his son, Louis le 
Debonnaire, enabled the Popes to acquire influence during the ninth 
and tenth centuries, when the Carlovingian princes declined each 
day in influence, ability, and vigour of character. Abuses gradually 
crept into the Church, which damaged its power and its moral cha- 
racter, until benefices were shamefully bought and sold in every 
country throughout Europe, and the chair of St. Peter had been 
filled by boys, and even women. This state of things was, however, 
put an end to in the latter part of the tenth century, when the Papal 
power received a great accession by the establishment of the infalli- 
bility of the Pope, and by the publication of the famous, but false, 
decretals of Isidore. 

Gregory VII, in the beginning of the eleventh century, took 
advantage of the abuses of the church, and the licentious character 
of Henry IV of Germany, to free the papacy from its subjection to 
the German Emperors. Previous to his time, it was necessary that 
a Pope's election should be confirmed by the Emperor of Germany; 
but he entirely shook off this yoke by his admirable arrangement of 
the Papal election ; and thus no Pope after his day dreamed of 
asking the imperial consent to the assumption of the papal dignity. 

Gregory VII may be said to have established the Papal autho- 

K K 



250 LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

rity at Rome. The much-vexed question of investiture to bishop- 
rics was but slightly interfered with by Gregory ; he was unable 
to settle the point, although he could have done so with greater 
advantage than his successors. The next Emperor of Germany 
being popular with his subjects, it was necessary to touch tliis 
difficult question witK much caution ; whilst, on the other hand. 
Urban II, who succeeded Gregory VII, was by no means so^ saga- 
cious a statesman, or so vigorous and courageous a man, as his pre- 
decessor. It was contended, on the part of the Pontiffs, that, 
as temporal power was inferior to spiritual, a prince who was a 
temporal potentate had no right to invest a bishop with the insignia 
of his of&ce, still less to seize on his temporalities as feudal lord, 
during a vacancy in the See. After a long contest with the 'Em- 
perors of Germany, and the Kings of England and France, a com- 
promise was arranged, by which all bisho])s were to appear at Eome, 
and be confirmed in their ecclesiastical office by the Pope who was 
only to confer on them the mitre and other insignia of their spiritual 
office ; whilst their sovereign was to bestow upon them the tempora- 
lities as their feudal lord. This agreement was, however, often broken 
through when the Pope or the bishop found a convenient opportu- 
nity of doing so ; or when the sovereign was weak and supersti- 
tious, and the bishop independent, or rich enough to apply to the 
Papal court against the supposed tyranny of his monarch. Thus 
large sums of money rolled into the Papal exchequer; and the Pope, 
by the judicious use of his power over the clergy, by interdicts and 
excommunication, and acting on the fears and superstitions of princes 
and people, increased his influence until it reached its height in 
the days of Innocent III, at the end of the twelfth and beginning of 
the thirteenth century. This Pontiff numbered amongst his vassals 
many of the most powerful sovereigns of Europe, and even terrified 
into tranquillity the able and ambitious prince, Philip Augustus 
of France. The Papal power remained for more than a century at its 
zenith ; and would haye^^outinued all powerful, but for the rash at- 
tempt of Boniface VIII to make himself as powerful in temporal as 
in spiritual affairs, and for his still more impolitic dispute with Philip 
the Pair of Prance. As is well known, the quarrel with that 
monarch ended in the Pope's captivity and death, and the removal of 
the Papal chair from Eome to Avignon. During the long residence 
of the Popes in Prance, they fell more or less under the influence 
of the French monarch, whilst the schism in the church between 
the rival pontiffs of Rome and Avignon weakened their power 
throughout Europe,, and brought about the councils of Con- 
stance and Basle in the fifteenth century; which, besides 



LOUIS XIV ET LA RKLIGION. 251 

settling the difficult question of the rightful successor to tlie chair 
of St. Peter, declared that from henceforward the Pope^s opinion on 
church matters was not to be considered infaUible, but was to be 
regulated, in case of error, by decrees of general councils of the 
C'hurch, to be called together from time to time by the Pope. The 
Pontiffs, as may be supposed, were not very anxious to assemble 
these councils ; and we only hear of one more general council, that 
of Trent, which sat, with various interruptions, from 1545 to 1560, 
on whose decrees was based the present fundamental articles of 
behef of the Eomish church. The Pope's temporal power was now 
chiefly confined to Italy ; and, although his spiritual authority was 
acknowledged in most countries beyond the Alps, various sovereigns 
endeavoured to circumscribe it within proper limits by concordats 
and other ordinances. Thus we find that Prederick lY, Emperor of 
Germany, made one with the Pope in 1418, by which great con- 
cessions were obtained. In like manner, Charles "VII of Prance 
passed, with the assistance of his clergy assembled at Bourges, 
his celebrated Pragmatic Sanction, an ordinance which defined the 
powers of the Pope over the Gallican church, and gave extensive 
authority to the King. This blow to the Papal supremacy was fol- 
lowed by the concordat made by Prancis I. 

Notwithstanding the troubles of the Reformation, and the power 
which the Roman Church lost thereby, many Pontiffs were still found 
rash enough to urge their claims to temporalities, as well as spiri- 
tualities, in various foreign churches. Such claims lasted in full vigour 
until the days of Louis XIY, betM^een whom and the Pope arose a hot 
contest on the question of investiture to bishoprics and their tempo- 
ralities. This dispute lasted throughout the greater part of Louis' 
reign ; a good account of which is given in a work recently published 
in Paris, from the pen of Monsieur H. de Marne, under the title of 
''Dio Gouvernement de Louis XIF dans ses ra/pjiorts avec la Ee-Ugion." 
As might be expected, it takes a somewhat Preuch view of the subject, 
avowing that "le grande monarque showed the greatest moderation 
as well as firmness in his negotiations with the Pontiff,'' an assertion 
which may be somewhat doubted. That Louis XIV is, however, 
entitled to great praise for the spirit he evinced in resisting the 
encroachments made on the Gallican church by Alexander YII, 
Clement IX, and Innocent XI, is beyond doubt ; and it is likewise 
clear that no monarch, who desired either to preserve his own in- 
dependence or obtain the respect of his subjects, could well have 
brooked the interference of a foreign potentate, even in ecclesiastical 
affairs. Thus it is admitted on all sides that Louis XIY did well, 
on the one hand, to contend against the claims of the Pojje to the 
temporalities of Preuch bishops ; and on the other, to oppose all 



252 LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

appeals by them to the court of Eome. It is curious enough that 
this same monarch, who so persecuted the Protestants, should have 
been engaged in a violent quarrel with the head of the Eomish 
church. But little open opposition to the Papal authority was 
attempted in the days of Mazarin, as that minister beheved 
that such a course would not only injure him as a cardinal, 
but help to embarrass his policy during the troublous days of the 
Pronde. 

The first ambassador sent to Home by Louis XIV, after taking 
upon himself the duties of his position, was ill received by Alex- 
ander YII, and seems to have been insulted by the Eoman people. 
Then commenced a dispute between the King and the Pope, which was 
soon destined to become as violent as any previously heard of in the 
middle ages. Two bishops in Languedoc, of the name of Pavilion 
and Caulet, appealed against the King, on account of "his demand- 
ing the surrender of the temporahties of their bishoprics, that they 
might be legally conferred upon them by the King, when assuming 
their sacred offices according to the usual custom of the Gallican 
church." Clement IX, on succeeding Alexander YII, highly approved 
of this resistance to the temporal authority of the monarch over 
ecclesiastical temporalities, and wrote to these bishops letters of 
praise and approval. The King at first remonstrated with the 
Pontiff, and then, finding it of no avail, consulted the best legal 
authorities of his kingdom, in the assemblies of the parliaments of 
Paris and Toulouse. These assemblies both concurred in supporting 
Louis in the assertion of his prerogative over the temporalities of 
the church, and appointments of the bishops ; and a law was passed 
in 1673, "forbidding bishops to appeal against the decrees of their 
sovereign to the Papal court." If they had any grievances to be 
complained of, they were to appear before the tribunals of Prance. 

The dispute between the King and Innocent XI, who had now be- 
come Pontiff, rose to such a height that the Pope was rash enough to 
threaten Louis with excommunication. Had the King thought it 
advisable to separate himself from the Eomish church, he would not 
only have had the support of the whole Prench nation, but the 
greater part of the Prench clergy. He, however, considered that 
such a step would be a great scandal to the church, and an un- 
necessary act, as long as matters could be arranged by negotiation. 
In Innocent XI, if we are to believe M. Marne, he had to deal with 
a Pope who was as obstinate as Gregory YII, or Boniface VIIT, and 
who could understand neither the sovereign with whom he negotiated, 
nor the age in which he lived. The King's conduct certainly seems 
to have been moderate ; as he might have brought the Pope to reason 
by force of arms, or have adopted the pohcy of Henry YlII of Eng- 



LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 253 

land. Ue properly considered thatj as a Catholic sovereign, his most 
politic as well as his most dignified course lay in treating the Pope 
as the head of the church, whilst he obtained the sanction of his own 
clergy for the uncontrolled management of their ecclesiastical property. 
His parliament, as we have seen, snpported him strenuously in his 
opposition to the Papal encroachments ; and that of Toulouse even 
went so far as to declare that " prelates who should appeal against 
the monarch to the Pope, had not only forfeited their sees, but were 
even guilty of death." This proceeding was an over- violent one ; 
and it required all the efforts of both people and monarch to 
maintain their rights against the unjust and overbearing assumption 
of power on the part of the Papacy. When Pranche Comt6 was 
conquered. Innocent considered it a good opportunity for putting 
forth his right to the temporalities of the churches of this newly ac- 
quired and yet unsettled province. The King claimed the same right 
as he possessed in his original' dominions through the concordat of 
Prederick IV ; while the Pope still proved obstinate, and the King 
resolved to refer the question to his own clergy, a large assemblage 
of whom were called together at Paris. 

The Assembly, with the archbishop as its head, thoroughly 
supported the measures of the sovereign, as being fully in ac- 
car dance with the views which had been maintained from the 
earliest periods of the GalHcau church ; and the ablest supporter 
of the King in this ecclesiastical synod was the famous scholar 
and divine, Bossuet, who had just been appointed to the bishopric 
of Meaux, and who commenced his new duties with a very able dis- 
course on the rights of the Galilean clrarch over its own temporali- 
ties. He also wrote several able letters, strongly reasoning 
on the point; and the resolutions to which the ecclesiastical 
assembly at length came, were chiefly ascribed to his eloquence 
and persuasion. The famous declaration which they presented to 
the King, in 16S2, was supposed by many to have emanated from 
his pen. Others say, however, that Colbert was the author of 
it. It was a most liberal declaration, affirming "that the Pope 
had no authority in temporal matters over the Galilean church ; 
that no bishop or priest ought to appeal to his court ; that the 
Pontiff, even in spiritual matters, was not infallible; and that 
when the clergy differed from him, such differences should 
be decided by a national synod, called together by the King." 
Innocent did not approve of these liberal measures, and threatened 
Louis with excommunication, a sentence which he did not, however, 
dare to put into force. He nevertheless, according to Monsieur 
Marne, "rejoiced at any blow that could be aimed, even by heretics, 



354 LOUIS XIV ET LA EELIGION. 

at the power of the French King and his clergy." We are also told, 
on the same authority, " that the Pope rejoiced at the downfall of 
James II of England, as an ally of Louis XIY, although the event 
occasioned the ruin of the Catholic cause in the British Isles/' 

Monsieur Marne now enters into a long and able argument con- 
cerning the temporal power of the Pope. He is honest enough to 
admit that he cannot trace it from the time of St. Peter, and is 
content to show that it was denied by the fathers of the church, 
and never assumed by the early Eoman Popes. The whole of 
his arguments on this point are clear, and full of learning and 
research, though they are those of a thorough catholic, who venerates 
the Pope in his spiritual capacity, and would most strenuously 
support the Eomish Church as it now exists in Prance. These 
opinions are somewhat at variance with his political convictions, 
as he professes to be a thorough legitimist by continually speak- 
ing of the honour and the moderation displayed by the Bour- 
bons." M. Marne, nevertheless, attacks the infallibility of the 
Pope, and contends that it was never assumed by the early Pon- 
tiffs ; that the fathers of the Church did not acknowledge it ; and 
that the opinions of the Papacy during the fourth, fifth, sixth, and 
even seventh centuries, were corrected by general councils of African 
and Asiatic bishops; that in the 7th century the Emperor of Con- 
stantinople sided with the patriarch against the Pope, and first 
developed the schism between the Latin and the Greek Churches ; 
that the bishops whom the Pope censured, in the days of Louis le 
Debonnaire, openly denied his infalHbility ; that several of the Popes 
abolished the bulls of their predecessors, and thus completely 
destroyed all the Papal claims to infalhbihty. He then quotes the 
case of Boniface the Eighth, whose famous bull of. the Unam Sanc- 
tam, which declared " both the temporal and spiritual power of the 
Pope over Philip the Fair of France," was rescinded by his succes- 
sor ; and further brings forward the examples of the councils of 
Constance and Basle, in which, as we have already mentioned, it was 
decreed that the Pope's opinion, when erroneous, could be over- 
ruled by general councils. Thus, says Monsieur Marne, "it is 
clearly proved that the early Popes did not consider themselves infal- 
lible, that they were never acknowledged so by the Church, the chief 
dogma of which is that the Church is infallible, and not the Pontiff. 
This view was supported by the Four Articles put forward by the 
ecclesiastics of Louis XIV's time, in which all the free assertions of 
the GaUican Church which had been made since the 15th century 
were fully maintained. 

Louis XIV, according to Monsieur Marne, did not persecute the 



LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. . 255 

opponents of tlie fonr articles. The truth of this assertion we must 
take leave to doubt. It is unlikely that a monarch of so arbitrary a 
character as Louis XIV should tolerate those who differed from him 
in his own religious views, when he so bitterly persecuted " heretics." 
Monsieur Marne is, however, a staunch supporter of Louis XIV, 
whose conduct, he tells us, " was marked by moderation, firmness, 
and dignity of character, throughout the whole of his disjiute with 
Innocent XI ;" whilst the truth is that the Pontiff for ever remained 
obstinate, and even secretly joined in the famous league which was 
formed in 1687 by William of Orange, the Emperor of Germany, tlie 
King of Spain, and the northern powers of Italy. Thus, when Louis 
blamed the Pontiff for his secret correspondence, the object of which 
was to dethrone William's Roman Catholic Pather-in-law, the Pope 
replied that "his efforts were not made against the Roman Catholic 
Church, but against the ally of that monarch who had attempted to 
curtail the Papal authority by the four Heretical Articles of the 
GaUican Church." 

If our author descends to subterfuge in order to assert his own 
views, we can no longer look upon him as an impartial historian. That 
Innocent was perfectly justified in protecting himself from the 
attacks of an ambitious and powerful neighbour, such as Louis XIV, 
has been long ago decided, though our author blames the Pope 
for his general conduct, declaring " that it occasioned the irreligious 
and philosophical opinions of the following century." How such 
an effect could be brought about by Innocent^s conduct, we cannot 
understand ; although many Catliolic writers of well-known abihty 
and learning agree with Monsieur Marne in considering that " any 
assistance rendered to Protestant sovereigns would produce sad 
results." Innnocent XI was succeeded by Alexander VIII, from 
whom and his successor, after long negotiations, Louis XIV obtained 
ample consent to his Articles. Our author, who is a rabid admirer 
of " le grand monarque," gives us a long dissertation on the firm 
and liberal basis on which Louis XIV had established the Gallican 
Church; and turns to the edict of Nantes, tlie abolition of which he 
justifies on what we think very lame arguments. Louis XIV, of 
course, like all the great characters in history, displays virtues and 
vices in his conduct throughout life. No one who is not a bigoted 
Catholic can place his revocation of the edict of Nantes either amongst 
his good or his politic acts, although they may excuse it on the very 
*' tu quoque" argument that both Catholics and Protestants prac- 
tised a very intolerant spirit towards each other during the 16th and 
17th centuries. Of course, it is useless to argue with any man who 
considers, like Monsieur Marne, " that passive obedience ought to be 
the rule both in politics and religion ; that the Inquisition and the 



256 LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

Pope were always indulgent towards those who differed from them, 
that heresy from the Eoman faith was a crying sin, to be punislied 
as soon as it appeared ; that Louis was more tolerant than any Pro > 
testant sovereign of the day, and that the edict of Nantes had been 
gradually undermined before it was revoked/' Added to these startling 
historical assertions, we are told that the "revocation" was perfectly 
justifiable, not only from the majority of the nation being Catholic, 
but from the many rebellions which had taken place amongst the 
Huguenots, during the days of Louis XlII and the minority of Louis 
XIV. We are willing to accede to much that Louis did under the 
trying circumstances. It is true he attempted to make converts to 
the Catholic faitli, and that the well-known Dragonnades did not 
occur until after the Huguenots had revolted against him. The best 
and strongest argument in the King's favour is to be found in the 
fact that the Huguenots continually disturbed the peace of the king- 
dom. The question then arises, what was the state of the Protestants 
when Louis XIV deprived them of all their rights by the revocation 
of the edict of Nantes ? They were, undoubtedly, not only peace- 
able and well-conducted citizens, who had brought wealth into the 
kingdom by their manufactures and industry, but many of their 
leaders had done good service to the state in the army and navy. 
Louis not only cruelly punished them by the revocation of this 
edict, but deprived Prance of many of her best citizens and servants, 
to augment the riches and the power of his enemies. The revocation 
of the edict was, without doubt, an unjust, intolerant, and impolitic 
measure, the excuse for which, according to Monsieur Marne, is to 
be found in the spirit of the age. Such an excuse is utterly insuffi- 
cient, and does not at all lessen the harshness of the measure. 
Monsieur Marne vindicates the King's conduct by contrasting it with 
that of Elizabeth, Oliver Cromwell, and Charles II, of England, who 
were well known persecutors of the Catholics ; whilst he boldly asserts 
that all classes ought to have been satisfied with the King's liberal 
promise of restoring the confiscated lands to those who would be- 
come Catholics ; a condition which, of course, was not accepted. 
Our author seems to have been blinded by his prejudice in favour of 
Louis XIV, and to have curiously distorted history to serve his own 
peculiar views. Thus he has declared results to be produced by 
causes which, if they ever existed, could have had no influence on the 
events he records ; whilst his far-fetched arguments, brought forward 
in answer to a periodical called "Le Correspondant," are the most 
partial and prejudiced of any historical or political writer that has 
come under our notice. 

The brief history of the Jansenists, as given in the book before 



LOUIS XIV ET LA UELIGION. 257 

US, is however interesting ; tliougli we hear Uttle aboiit their founder, 
or their doctrines. It is well known, however, that Jansenius pro- 
duced a work, full of doctrines which, when pushed to extremes, 
were contrary not only to the Papacy, but even in some points to 
Christianity itself. The book seems to have been compiled with 
great labour, through the long period of twenty-two years. Its 
chief doctrine partook of the predestination and Calvinistic theories, 
pushed to a much greater extent than at present admitted by 
Calvinists themselves ; and it contended that the popular belief of 
the death of our Lord to save all men was incorrect, as many were 
predestined to eternal misery. It also appears to have suggested 
doubts as to the agency of the Holy Spirit in assisting men to 
overcome their temptations ; and it condemned the doctrine of 
Grace. The only part of the Jansenian doctrine which seems to 
have been worth anything,- was that which inculcated the close and 
diligent search of the Scriptures, in order to test the Christian 
creed. Innocent XI at once condemned these doctrines as 
heretical, although they were professed by many bishops. Both 
his predecessor and successor in the Papacy were of the same 
opinion ; and many of the moderate Jansenists even came to the 
conclusion that the principles of their sect were carried too far. 
Cardinal de Eichelieu imprisoned at Vincennes the Abbe de 
St. Cyr, one of Jansenius's warmest supporters and most intimate 
friend, and would listen to no petitions for his release, declaring 
that " had Luther or Calvin been confined in a similar place of 
safety, many misfortunes and much bloodshed would have been saved 
both to Germany and to France." This policy was also adopted 
during the administration of Mazarin, and through Louis XIV's 
reign. 

Mr. Marne again improves the occasion by giving us a long 
sermon on the necessity of coercion in matters of rehgion; con- 
tending that "it is no reason against coercion that it has not 
always succeeded in putting down those who rebel against the 
estabhshed religion of the country, any more than it is a reason 
against the punishment of criminals that crime is not entirely put 
down by the terror of the law." This is another bad argument. 
The heretic may enjoy his opinions without injuring society, if 
he keeps them to himself; whereas the criminal cannot carry on 
his evil practices without disturbing the peace of society, and ought 
therefore to have the fear of some severe punishment before his eyes, 
to deter him from continmng in his evil courses. Our author, like 
a true partizan, affirms that "tolerance is nothing more than indif- 
ference to religion." We would have him look around on Europe, 
and see with how much more tranquillity Protestants and Catholics 

L I. 



258 LOUIS XIV ET LA EELIGION. 

can live together now, than they could in the seventeenth cen- 
tury. He must confess how much more they add by their united 
efforts to the welfare, prosperity, and good government of the difier- 
ent states to which they belong, than when they were in continual 
hostility ; and he must admit that this is more especially the case 
with the British Isles and Prance. By his own showing, coercion 
had a small effect in rooting out either the Protestant or Catholic 
religion in the countries where either faith was professed by the 
minority. 

We have a good account of the disputes between the Jan- 
senists, Jesuits, and other clergy, and between Bossuet and Penelon 
— the former a supporter of the King's authority, and the latter, 
according to our author, a firm partizan of the Pope's infal- 
libility. M. Marne gives Fenelon a character for ambition and 
intrigue contrary to what has been related of him by most other 
historians. He also considers that Bossuet was the better theolo- 
gian, the clearer reasoner, and the greater scholar of the two ; whilst 
the latter acted only with the view of obtaining a cardinal's hat. 
He likewise quotes a number of works which detail the disputes of 
the Jansenists ; but, though full of learning, fill up too great a 
space, and are uninteresting to the general reader. He then en- 
deavours to prove the sagacity of Louis XIV in his dealings with 
both sects, and only expresses a wish " that the King's measures 
towards them, had been still more severe, as it was mainly to the 
heretical doctrines in the state that a laxity in morals and religion 
ultimately occurred, and revolution was produced." He again 
stoutly contends that " it was an able policy, on the part of the 
King to revoke the edict of Nantes ; " and reiterates his assertion, 
'' that the Protestants were neither unjustly nor cruelly treated 
thereby, nor hy any other measure adopted against them hy the 
King's government." Any one, however, who will turn to the cor- 
respondence of Louis XIY and his Ministers, which has been lately 
published by order of the Prench Government,"^ will be convinced 
how prejudiced and how erroneous these assertions are, as all the 
archives of the period clearly prove that Louis XIV left no stone 
unturned to convert the Protestants to his own faith, hy bribes, per- 
suasion, menaces, confiscations, and even death itself, long before the 
revocation of the edict of Nantes was probably thought of. We 
ourselves have found many letters written to the different bishops and 



* Corraspondance admii>istrative sous le Regne de Louis XIV entre le Cabinet 
du Roi, Ics Secretaires d'Etat le Ohancelier de France, etc. recueillie et mise en 
ordre par G. B. Dcpping. Paris : Imprimerie Imperiale, 1855. 



LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 259 

agents of the King throughout the country by Colbert"^ — a states- 
man whom historians have agreed in considering the most tolerant 
to the Huguenots of all Louis XIV^s ministers, and one whom many 
believe to have been opposed to the revocation of the edict of 
NanteSj to have done all in his power to avert this measure, and 
whose death in 1683 was looked upon " as a blessing to the Oathohc 
cause/' We can only notice the substance of these authentic and 
curious letters : one of which appears as early as the year 1662, in 
which the Bishop of Castres is informed by Colbert "that the sum 
of 3,000 francs will be duly remitted by the Government to a certain 
Protestant lawyer for losses incurred, provided he will become a coi - 
vert to the Catholic and Apostolic faith." ■\ In another, of nearly 
the same date, Colbert calls upon the French Minister at the Court 
of Savoy to require " that the conditions respecting the district of 
Gex, made over to France by the treaty of 1602, by Henry IV, 
shall be duly carried out ;" and goes on to say, " that the King has 
destroyed twenty-jive temples belonging to the pretended reformed 
faith, and has only left them three in which devotions can be per- 
formed." % We have again another letter, bearing date 1665, from 
Colbert's agent, informing him that " conversion was making great 
progress in the south of France, owing to the impression made on 
heretics by the action of the state/' 

If we search further, we shall soon find that the sufferings 
which the Protestants had to endure were sufficient to make 
them rise against any government, however mild to the rest of the 
nation. The lieutenants of the Bastile addressed a number of 
letters to Monsieur Colbert concerning a certain Marcilly, a Pro- 
testant, and a native of Languedoc, who had for some years resided 
in England, and had been connected with the Duke of Buckingham, 
Lord Arlington, and other ministers of Charles IPs Court, during 
the triple alliance against France formed by England, Holland, 
and Sweden. This man had projects against the King's life and 
Government, though we are not distinctly told what these schemes 
were. He was, however, on his arrival in France, arrested on 
the charge of treason, and confined in the Bastile. Here, not- 
withstanding his declaration of suffering from all kinds of disease, 
he was put to the torture, to make him confess his accomplices. 
His chief crime, however, seems to have been that he was an 
obstinate Protestant, who would not be frightened into con- 

* Collection de Documents Inedits surl'Histoire de France, publies par les soins 
dii Ministre de rinstruction Publique — Piemiere Serie Histoire Politique. 

t D'Anglure, Eveque de Castres, a Colbert. Page 303. Correspondance admi- 
nistrative. 

% Colbert a, Carcavi. Page 307. Lettro No. 5. 



260 - LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

version, either by entreaty or punishment. We find that he was 
promised a commutation of his sentence if he would become a 
Catholic. This inducement proving of no avail^ the full force of his 
sentence was carried into effect, and he was broken on the wheel, 
firmly maintaining his avowal of the Protestant faith.* A letter is 
also extant from Louis XIV himself, demanding from a lady at 
Court "that her relative, Mademoiselle de Beaumond, who had 
lately been converted to the established religion, and who had on 
that account been concealed somewhere in Paris by the Huguenots, 
should at once be given up to the authorities ;" at the same time 
forbidding " all exercise of the pretended reformed religion within 
the neiglibourhood of Paris." 

There is a host of correspondence despatclied by Colbert to the 
Bishop of Moutauband, the Presidents of the Parliaments of 
Toulouse and Dauphine, and other provincial and mercantile 
corporations of Bourdeaux, Blois, and Tours ; the general purpose 
of which was to exclude the Protestants from all share in the 
magistracy, to oblige them to appoint CathoHc judges within 
their own lands, to deprive them of the benefits belonging to trade 
associations, and, if possible, to stop all advantages which they 
might gain from commerce, also to regulate the education of their 
children, and forcibly to drive them into the church at an age 
when they might possess such feeble understanding as to render 
them easy of conversion — at the age of seven years. Ml Huguenot 
churches were to be destroyed, and the attendance of the con- 
gregation compelled at orthodox places of worship. Prisoners 
were refused rehgious consolation if they belonged to the re- 
formed sect; and marriages were only to be solemnized by 
Catholic magistrates, appointed by the Government. These letters 
not only show that the privileges and power of the Protestants 
w^ere systematically undermined from a very early period in Louis 
XlV^s reign, but they contradict the assertion of M. Marne that the 
revocation of the edict of Nantes was " neither unjust nor injurious 
to the Huguenots." Protestants, as long as it remained in force, 
had, in the eye of the law, equal right with the Catholics to fill all 
posts and offices of the state, although they might be actually 
deprived of these privileges by the arbitrary power of the King. Tlie 
revocation was therefore only the last great blow aimed at the 
Protestant faith ; and what our author chooses to call coercion, is 
the most cruel religious persecution which history has recorded. 
Even Philip II, although he was not so attractive in his private 



* Defita Lieut. Criminel a Colbert, 1669. Page 311. 



LOUIS XIV ET LA EELIGION. 261 

character as Louis XIV, was nevertheless more merciful to his hereti- 
cal subjects, wisely abstaining from meddling with their commercial 
pursuits any further than by taking their vessels as lawful prizes of 
war. The only parallel that can be found to the treatment of the French 
Huguenots, is that of Philip III of Spain, towards his Mahomedan 
and Jewish subjects. Both were equally impolitic, and both deprived 
their dominions of many useful and industrious inhabitants. This 
policy is not to be wondered at in the bigoted Philip III, who 
was originally intended for the priestly office ; but it is surprising in 
the able and politic Prench monarch, whose cruelty towards the un- 
fortunate Protestants we could scarcely believe, were it not proved 
by authentic state papers. It is, however, abundantly proved by a 
state correspondence of Colbert, the Chancellor, the Secretary of 
State, and the Marquis de Seignelay, &c. &c, during the years '81, 
'8^, 'S3, and in the written order for the destruction of Protestant 
temples, the prevention of removal of Protestant children from 
certain neighbourhoods in order that they might be sent to Roman 
Catholic schools ; the deprivation of Protestants of all share in 
judicature ; and the prohibition to leave the country under any 
pretence. All efforts to assist the poor and sick amongst the Pro- 
testants were strictly forbidden ; and societies for that purpose were 
to be put down by the strong hand of the police. All efforts to 
convert the Catholics to Protestantism were strongly opposed by the 
Government ; and a certain surgeon, who repaired to some baths on 
the Swiss frontier, and who was supposed to combine conversion 
with the cure of the sick, received peremptory orders from the 
Government to confine himself to the duties of his profession. All 
books also were prohibited to be published which propagated the 
doctrines of the reformed religion ; and a librarian at Paris was 
informed by Colbert that although his Majesty had no objection 
to his continuing the sale of his works, he desired to put a stop to 
the distribution of Protestant publications. The authorities in 
certain districts of the south of Prance were likewise informed 
that those farmers on the King's land, who obstinately refused to be 
converted to the Koman Catholic faith, were to be deprived of their 
lands, and replaced by the men of the orthodox rehgion. TJie 
same measures were also to be adopted with regard to Protestant 
communes, which were being depopulated of their present inhabitants, 
and were to be filled by Catholics, Orders were also issued that Catho- 
lic instead of Protestant workmen should be employed in repairing 
the various churches throughout the kingdom, a labour which had 
formerly been equally enjoyed by men of both religions. The 
only privilege which seems to have been accorded to the Protestants, 
was one of which they had been deprived in former years, and 



262 LOUIS XIV ET LA RELIGION. 

which had been regulated by the declaration of 1669. This was 
a permission to solemnize marriages in their own churches, provided 
the parties were within the degrees of relationship sanctioned by the 
Roman Catholic church. It is no wonder then that the Huguenots 
should sometimes have risen against the King's Government, and 
that they should have made the monarch distrustful of their conduct, 
though it is a poor excuse for the King's harshness and bad faith, or 
of the unheard-of severities committed in his name. 

Louis XTY may have acted from conscientious motives ; but he 
ought not to be praised for his harsh persecutions. In our opinion, 
such conduct was the greatest blemish on his character and policy. 
It deprived him, whilst alive, of his best generals and admirals ; for 
such men as Schomberg and Duquesne shrank from serving a 
monarch who treated their fellow religionists and countrymen with 
unrelenting rigour, and tarnished the records of his better deeds. 
Such a fatal course must be regarded with the eye of pity, as even 
the most impartial Protestants allow that Louis, in other relations 
of life, was an affectionate and able man, and a monarch anxious to 
promote the welfare and interest of his subjects. 

There are abundant facts on record to refute Mous. Marne and 
his advocacy of the revocation of the edict of Nantes, whilst hosts of 
letters prove that the Dragonnade (which Marne calls an impudent 
lie) was a true historical fact. Notwithstanding Mons. Marne's 
many inacciu-acies, his work is worthy of perusal — if for no other 
reason, for the learning evinced in its compilation, and as illus- 
trating the amount of prejudice which an earnest man can bring to 
bear on a subject on which he bestows his full powers. 



L'ACADEMIE FRANCAISE. 



L'ACADEMIE EEANCAISE*. 



In the present anomalous coDclition both of Europe and America, 
it becomes a curious study for the historian to ponder over the 
opinions recently propounded by the only French assembly which 
dares to utter its deliberate sentiments on the passing occurrences of 
the day. No better place tlian the French Academy, and no more 
fitting opportunity, could have been afforded than the Electoral 
Seance at which the Abbe Lacordaire was elected to fill the vacant 
seat of Monsieur de Tocqueville in that body. 

The sentiments expressed on the occasion by the Abbe, and the 
answer of Monsieur Guizot, gave for a time an importance and a 
prominence to the proceedings of that association previously unknown. 
The character of the two men, and the difference of their lives and 
positions, were sufficient to create abundant expectation, independently 
of the interest belonging to the subjects of their discourse. The one 
a philosopher, accustomed from a very early period to occupy himself 
with the consideration of the origin of the constitutions of various 
nations, their effects on governments, their social condition, and their 
positions; an eloquent and successful statesman, who had brilliantly 
discharged a variety of offices, who had acquired vast political in- 
formation, and considerable insight into the character of men ; 
possessed of a mind alike accustomed to calm and sober reflection, 
without being swayed by imagination or strong passion. Such was 



*Histoire do L'Academie FraiKjaise, par Pellisson et D'Olivet, aveciine intro- 
duction des eclaircisscments, et notes ; par M. Ch. 0. Livet. Paris ; Didier et Cic. 
Quai dcs Augustins, 1861. 

M M 



266 



L ACADEMTE FRANQAISE. 



Monsieur Guizot. In the other was found an eloquent preacher, 
of singular imagination and great rhetorical power, who had trained 
himself by austerity of life, and a devotion to the cause of the church — 
that church which had been so constantly threatened with ruin 
daring the last three centuries, and v/hose head at the present moment 
is scarcely able to maintain its spiritual, much less its temporal power. 
Added to these great qualities, Monsiear Lacordaire-had long main- 
tained his reputation as a Erere Precheur, though no man's tongue 
or pen is absolutely free in France. 

The pulpit and the Academy are even now too powerful to be re- 
strained ; and thus a license has been given to the speech of these two 
men, and the doings ^f the Academy itself have been brought promi- 
nently before the public. The speech of the Abbe* gave rise to much 
conjecture at the tim.e of its delivery, from its eloquence and 
novelty. He commenced by thanking the Academy for having 
selected him as a successor to such a man as Monsieur de Tocque- 
ville, whom he eulogised as " a useful citizen and ornament to the 
State, both in his private character, his inherent braverj^ and his 
political wisdom.'* The Abbe then touched on dangerous ground, 
and drew a parallel between the democracy of the Uriited States, and 
that professed by republican politicians in Europe, much to the 
advantage of the former, which he contends "has always, notwith- 
standing republican ideas, respected order, laws, social institutions, 
rights of the church and religion ; whilst the latter are, and ever 
have been, for abolishing existing constitutions, to make way for 
novelties which are supposed to exceed in excellency all that has gone 
before." He enumerated the works of Monsieur de Tocqueville, 
and compared them to those of Montesquieu and of Rousseau, 
declaring that they owed their excellence to liberal principles. He 
then surveyed what civilization has done, during the last three 
centuries, for liberty, literature, and religion ; and strangely closed 
with an exordium on the present government of France. Of the 
Abbe's speech we can only add that it was republican, learned, and 
eloquent, though not uniformly consistent ; that he endeavoured to 
combine a support of the principles of the most absolute church in 
the world, with the most hberal ideas in politics — a task difficult of 
accomph'shment, even for one of Monsieur Lacordaire's eloquence 
and ingenuity. 

Mohs. Guizot's replyt is much more in accordance with our own 



* Discours de M. Guizot, Directeur de L'Academie Francjaise, en reponse au 
Aiscours de M. Lacordaire, pour se reception a L'Academie. Paris: Didier, 1861. 

t Discours de reception a L'Academie FranQaise, parLeE. P.II, D. Lacordaire, 
des Freres Precheurs, January 24, 1861. 



l'aCADKMIE 1'11A>'CAISE. 2G7 

ideas. He asked what would have been the difference in the position 
of the two oratorSj liad the}^ hved 600 years ago — he an heretical 
Protestant, and Lacordaire a llomish priest ? " Nous somraes 
ici, V0U3 et- moi, Monsieur, les preuves vivantes et les heureux te- 
moins du sublime progres qui s'est accompli parmi nous dans I'intelli- 
gence et le respect de la justice, de la conscience, du droit, des lois 
divines, si longtemps meconnues, qui reglent les devoirs mutuels des 
hommes quand il s''agit de Dieu et de la foi en Dieu. Personne 
aujourd'hui ne frappe plus et n'est plus frappe au nom de Dieu ; 
personne ne pretend plus a usurper les droits et k devancer les arrets 
du souverain juge. C'est maintenant FAcademie seule qui est ap- 
pel^e a reconnaitre les siens/' He then paid a well- merited con- 
pliment to the eloquence and ability of the new Academician, and 
declared that an oration like the one he had just heard would be 
sufficient to immortalize the most ordinary of men ; and that De 
Tocqueville, great as he was, was rendered greater by his eulogiser. 
Guizot then reviewed the whole career of Lacordaire, in which he 
affirmed that the Abbe had not only well merited universal praise 
for his eloquence as a preacher, and his zeal and virtue as an eccle-- 
siastic, but for moderation hardly to be expected in a public man 
at so very trying a period as 1831, when editor of a leading jour- 
nal ; and again, in 1848, when he was member of the National 
Assembly. He blessed the day when Mons. Berrier gave that valu- 
able advice to the young Lacordaire : — "Je crains votre imagination 
riche et vagabone, Tardente temerite de vos pensees, I'exuberance de 
votre langage ; vous compromettrez dans Tindependance et les luttes 
passionnees du barreau vos grands avantages naturels; vous avez 
besoin de subir un joug, de soumettre votre esprit et votre talent a 
une forte et severe autorite. Faites-vous pretre ; vous deviendrez 
un eminent orateur de la chaire." 

Prom this anecdote Guizot proceeded to consider the merits 
of Mons. De Tocqueville's compositions, declaring them to have 
been misunderstood, owing to their author having turned his atten- 
tion more especially to democracy as it existed in the United States, 
and thereby given the impression that lie was an admirer of demo- 
cratic institutions, whilst in truth he was the representative of that 
old Prench society which existed before the revolution of 1789, 
and which " is replaced in the Academy by La Jeune Prance in the 
person of our new Associate.'^ He then read a lesson to the 
Academy, on which we shall do well to ponder : 

" La democratic a, de nos jours, une passion pleine d'iniquite et 
de peril ; elle se croit la societe elle-meme, la societe tout entiere ; 
elle y veut dominer seule, et elle ne respecte, je pourrais dire, elle ne 



268 l'academie fran^aise. 

reconnait nuls autres droits que les siens. Grande et fatale meprise 
sur les lois naturelles et necessaires des societes humaiues ! Quelle 
que soit leur forme de gouvernement, et au sein memes des plus 
libres, des droits divers s'y developpent et y coexistent, les uns pour 
maintenir I'ordre et le pouvoir social, les autre pour garantir les li- 
bertes publiques et les interets individuels, les uns deposes aux 
mains des princes ou des magistrats, les autres places sous la garde 
des citoyens. Le respect mutuel et le maintien siraultane de ces 
droits divers font la surete, la duree, Fhonneur, la vie meme de la 
societe. Quand ce respect et cette harmonic manquent, quand Fun 
des grands droits sociaux se saisit seul de I'empire, meconnait, 
viole ou meme abolit les droits collateraux; quand la democratic, 
par exemple, se croit maitresse de changer a son gre les gouverne- 
raents, les dynasties, les relations et les limites des Etats ce n'est pas 
la liberte, ce n'est pas le progres, c'est anarchic, ou la tyrannic, et 
peut-etre aussi I'ambition etrangere qui profitent de tels desordres/' 

Monsieur Guizot, extolling the monarchical constitution, con- 
cluded his powerful harangue by declaring that had the Academy 
existed some six hundred years ago, it could not have witnessed the 
spectacle of a Roman Catholic priest, and a heretic, meeting face to 
face, calmly to discuss matters of science and art. That so desirable 
an effort had only been produced by the civilization and knowledge 
fortunately acquired during those humanizing ages which had inter- 
vened between that remote period and the present time. 

Great as was the contrast between the speeches of these two 
celebrities, they yet prominently showed the dearly-bought expe- 
rience of a statesman who has passed through a variety of fortunes; 
the calm reflection of a sober and well-read historian, who, not- 
withstanding his liberal ideas, bases his hopes ou the tradition 
of the past ; and the energy and zeal of a well-trained and earnest 
supporter of the Gallican church. 

Those who have been introduced to the Prencli Academy for the 
first time, through the speeches of Guizot and Lacordaire, will be 
naturally curious to learn something of the foundation of an institu- 
tion which has gained a world-wide reputation, and of the doings of 
so learned and so illustrious a body. Their curiosity will be amply 
satisfied by the perusal of a book which has lately appeared in 
Erance, and which, besides carrying the history of the Academy 
down to a late period, reprints the works of Mons, Pellisson and 
Mons. D'Olivet, well-known historians of the Academy. In it 
we have an account of the association from its commencement, its 
objects, the names of its early members, and their works, wliich 
ranges over a considerable period of the seventeenth century. 



l'acadkmie FRAN9AISE. 269 

It is rather singular, when the whole of Europe was disturbed 
by those long and bloody civil wars between Catholics and Protest- 
ants, when Charles V and Philip II were striving to establish the 
power of the house of Austria in every part of the world, and 
when the obstinate struggles with Prance for the mastery of Italy 
took place, that literature should everywhere have flourished ; that 
the best cotemporary authors should have been produced, at nearly 
the same time, in Italy, Prance, Spain, England, and Germany ; and 
that such men as Ariosto, Guichardini, Bentivogho, and Gahlco, 
should have been contemporary with such authors as Cervantes, 
Shakespeare, Sydney, Spencer, and Lord Bacon ; and that Prance 
should have possessed her Brantome, Montaigne, Sully, Granville, 
and Cardinal de Eichelieu. There is but little doubt that the reign 
of Henry IV was well calculated to advance both the interests of 
literature and commerce, by putting an end to the troubles of the 
rehgious wars, and by restoring peace to the surrounding countries. 
His life being prematurely cut short, arrested for a time the brilliant 
prospects of letters. The troublous days of Louis XIII's minority 
were little calculated for the advancement of literature and commerce 
at home, or for territorial aggrandisement abroad, as they were dis- 
turbed by the intrigues of Marie de Medici, the rising of the Pro- 
testants, and the indignation of the nobles. A vigorous man, 
however saved his country from these dangers ; who alike pos- 
sessed the qualities of a subtle intriguer, a daring conspirator, and 
an able and enterprising statesman. His Eminence the Cardinal de 
Richelieu combined these qualifications ; he supported all parties, 
alternately, until he had acquired permanent influence as the chief 
minister of the King. Every one knows with what success he 
suppressed the power of the nobles and the Protestants in his own 
country, and that of the House of Austria abroad. He also joined 
to these great abilities considerable literary talent. He was there- 
fore desirous of encouraging both literature and art with all the 
power he had at command, and assisted the efforts of all writers who 
were struggling to succeed. It is thus but little surprising that he 
should have protected a body of literati, who were afterwards known 
as the French Academy. 

This association, like many other great societies, rose from an 
insignificant origin ; and few of its early members could have realized 
the importance it ultimately attained, or that it would become per- 
manent. Its history is so curious that we cannot help glancing at its 
progress. It seems that in 1629 Mons. Boisrobert, Malleville, Desma- 
rests, and other celebrated literary personages, were in the habit of 
meeting together to read each other's productions, to pass opinions on 



370 l'academie feanqatse. 

mutual compositions, and to discuss various matters bearing on lite- 
rature and science. Tliese meetings were long of a private nature, and 
their proceedings a matter of secrecy. At length they reached the 
ears of Cardinal Richelieu, who, being acquainted with Boisrobert, 
offered his protection to this small coterie of literary personages. Let- 
ters patent were soon after signed by the King, constituting it " a 
Eoyal Academy." Some little apprehension was shown on the part 
of the early promoters of the society at . its rapid advance and its 
dignified title. Desmarest and Boisrobert, however, urged that it 
would be imprudent to reject the offer of the Cardinal's protection, 
as he was known to be unscrupulous when interfered with. This 
little knot of authors were not without their troubles. They early 
lost two of their members, one from death, the other from imprison- 
ment in the Bastile. All things considered, they determined on com- 
missioning Boisrobert to thank his Eminence for the honour which 
he had conferred on the society by his offer of protection, and 
accepted the letters patent from the King. It now became a mat- 
ter of some difficulty to give an appropriate name to the Society. 
Some were for calling it the " Most Eminent Academy," from the 
Cardinal, its founder ; whilst others contended for the term 
" illustrious " before that of Belies Lettres ; others desired to give it 
a more ample nomenclature, and a more intelligible title. Thus it 
was at length called L'Acaclemie Frangaise ; and three officers were 
appointed to draw up rules and regulations to be submitted to the 
Cardinal. Eichelieu at once gave his full sanction to the objects 
of the Academy, which were publicly stated to be for " the im 
provement of the French language and composition." This oc- 
curred prior to the year 1634 j and in June, JG35, the King duly 
signed Letters Patent, creating the Academy a Royal Association, 
with the power of electing members, to be duly qualified and 
limited to the number of forty ; together with the privilege of ap- 
pointing its own president and other officers, and making rules and 
regulations for its government. It was then placed under the 
especial supervision of the King's well-beloved cousin, the Cardinal 
de Richelieu ; and the object of the society was set forth in these 
letters patent as " being for the improvement of the French language 
and literature,'' Before, however, these letters patent could become 
law, they had to be sent to the Parliament of Paris, as being 
the highest court of judicature in the kingdom. They met 
with great opposition in that assembly, notwithstanding the 
utility of the Society, and its object ; the Parliament being divided 
into tliree parties, the first of which looked with suspicion upon 
any proposal made by the Cardinal as only hiding some intrigue 



l'academie FB.AN9AISE. 271 

for advancing his own designs; the second party considered the 
Academy too insignificant a body to require public support, and ridi- 
culed its objects as unnecessary and impossible of fulfilment ; whilst 
the third party were duly sensible of the importance of the Society 
and of the ends it had in view, and through their efforts the letters 
patent became law. But the society met with further opposition 
and ridicule from statesmen and men of letters, and was soon 
violently attacked by the Cardinal de St. Germain, the principal 
adviser of Marie de Medici, the Queen Mother and former Eegent of 
Prance, with whom he was then residing at Brussels. This attack 
was at once replied to by the Academy, although it did not feel itself 
bound to encounter all assailants; its members wisely considering 
that truth, together with public opinion, could alone give the asso- 
ciation its proper influence. A very amusing comedy^" was published, 
ridiculing the Academy and its individual members ; but the author 
of the play was never discovered, though it was attributed by many 
to the brother of Halle, the Archbishop of Paris. 

Following out the history of Mons. Olivet, we are told of some of 
the early regulations of the Academy, and find that its laws were at 
first few in number, ands imple in character. As tlie society became 
more permanently established, it was found necessary to amphfy these 
rules. A director, chancellor, and secretary, were elected by ballot ; 
the two former oflicers holding their posts for two months, but eligible 
for re-election. Their duties were to preside over the meetings of 
the Academy, to see that its objects were properly carried out, and 
receive new members on election. Besides the secretary, whose 
duties were similar to those of any other, association, a librarian took 
charge of the library, and superintended the publication of the works 
of the Academy. Mons. 13oisrobert and Desmarest w'ere the first , 
director and chancellor, and Mons. Conrart the first secretary. As 
for the further details of the regulations of this famous association, 
we woiild direct our readers to the excellent account of Mons. 
D'Olivet, where they will find ample particulars on the subject. 

It is interesting to know what the Academy effected in the way 
of improving and refining the literature and language of Prance. 
Several of the council were appointed, at particular periods, to deliver 
discourses on various subjects, such as history, philosophy, and 
Latin and Greek literature. Many of the members attempted to refine 
the language, by means of a dictionary and grammar, and set to work 
to correct idiomatic phrases and expressions referred to by several 

* La Comedie des Academistes, pom* la reformation de la languc FraiKjois. 
Published from the old MSS. 1753. 



212 i/aCABEMIB PRANQAISE, 

writers of known eminence, both in prose and in verse. They were 
much assisted by the judgment of the Cardinal himself, who, with 
refined taste, encouraged, by his liberality, many of the writers of 
the day to compose poems and plays, the representation of which 
took place in a large hall built adjoining his palace, which served 
both as a theatre and an assembly room. By sucli means the 
impurities and errors of the language were made apparent and 
corrected, and expressions, the propriety of which were often dis- 
cussed at Court, were referred by the Cardinal to his savans of the 
Academy. Thus much was done, even in the early days of the 
Academy, to purify the French language and style, and progress was 
made in the advancement of literature. 

The death of the first librarian, who was much esteemed and 
lamented by the Academicians, for whose family they petitioned 
his Eminence, was followed by that of the Cardinal himself who 
had for so long protected the association. It was determined that 
his merits should be publicly proclaimed, and that an oration should 
be delivered on his virtues by the principal members in full seance ; 
that the Academy should attend his funeral in procesision, and wear 
mourning as for a departed brother in science. After all these com- 
plimentary measures were fully carried out, the Academy had the 
difficult task of selecting a new Protector. Two candidates offered 
themselves ; viz. the Cardinal de Mazarin, who had not as yet made 
himself unpopular by mixing with the factions which afterwards dis- 
turbed Prance, and who was most likely to obtain as great an influence 
in the state as his former colleague the Cardinal de Eichelieu. The 
other candidate was the Duke D'Enghein, afterwards well known 
as the great Conde. Although very young, he had already become 
famous as a wit and a patron of literature, and had taken an 
interest in the affairs of the Academy from its very beginning in 
1635, and had then been elected one of its members. The body had 
at first desired to place itself under his protection, as a Royal Prince, 
but it feared the all-powerful Cardinal. Neither were however ap- 
pointed President ; as the post was filled by M. Chancelier, a very 
old and deserving Academician. 

We have a long list of the original members of the Academy, 
an epitome of their lives, and a catalogue of illustrious persons, 
down to Louis XIV, who encouraged literature and science ; also of 
the foreign princes who patronised the Academy, amongst whom the 
celebrated Swedish Queen Christina was the earliest. She not only 
favoured it by presenting her portrait, but attended a seance in 
person. Her presence was so unexpected, that half of the members 
were absent, and the rest totally unprepared. 



l'acadkmib fran^aise. 273 

A poetical and rhetorical department was soon added by Balzac, 
in 1656, and was further encouraged by the King himself, who gave 
])rizes in money, and a gold medal to the successful candidates. The 
Academy progressed favourably, and was greatly assisted by Francois 
de Harlay de Charapvallons, Archbishop of Paris, who was appointed 
one of its members in 1671. He was preceptor to the Daupliin, and 
considered the best speaker of the period. His first essay was a 
complimentary address to the King on the marriage of that Prince, 
who in return did every thing to encourage the Academy by his patron- 
age, and granted the members the free use of apartments in the 
Louvre, and a considerable contrbution of books from his own 
library. The King also took great interest in the elections of the 
Academy, to which he himself became protector. He however de- 
sired to attend its sittings in the quahty more of an Academician 
than of sovereign protector, though he was often anxious that his 
own candidates should be elected in opposition to the wishes of the 
majority. Thus he expressed much displeasure at its support of M. 
deLa Fontaine in lieu of his own nominee. It appears, however, 
the Academy was much divided ; one party desiring to elect the 
Abbe, on account of his great genius, which no one even at that day 
doubted ; whilst others, amongst whom were many prelates, opposed 
him on the plea of his licentious character. La Fontaine, however, 
so judiciously managed the members of the Academy, so wisely 
chose his friends at Court, made such agreeable speeches, and wrote 
such complimentary verses to Louis XIV, that he carried the elec- 
tion in spite of grave opposition in tlie assembly itself, and in spite 
of the abilities of his adversary. The King further honoured the 
members of the Academy by allotting to them a place at the thea- 
trical representations which were given in the presence of the^whole 
Court. Another post of extreme importance soon became vacant in 
the Academy, which was filled by Monsieur Darcier, in accordance 
with the King's desire. This appointment brought forth a letter 
from the Cardinal de Polignac, who had been ordered by the King to 
congratulate the Academy on their choice, and to express his royal 
opinion that so long as the Academy continued to nominate all men 
of ability to its vacant offices and to its membership, so long would 
it be looked up to by the nation at large. In the year 1700, we find 
that the King and the Academy fell into a dispute concerning an 
important election, which, according to the Cardinal de Eohan, was 
decided in favour of the monarch. 

We must now turn to the labours of the Academy in the cause 
of letters and science. During the first part of this reign, the 
Academy did little, as it had lost its ablest friend in Cardinal de 
Eichelieu, whilst the intrigues of the Fronde so occupied men's 

N N 



274 l'academie francaise. 

minds tliat there was little opportunity for attention to literature. 
Every one was either intriguing in politics, endeavouring to obtain 
power, or defending what had been already acquired. Thus military 
talents and political address were the chief things in request, and 
it was not until the majority of Louis XIV, that literary men could 
recommence their labours with any degree of success. The Academy 
now reared its head with renewed strength, under the protection of 
Louis XIV ; though it still had difficulties to encounter in the 
compilation of its famous Dictionary and Grammar ; for what might 
have been effected by one man could not be so easily performed by 
a society, the members of which not unfrequently disputed amongst 
themselves, and so retarded the completion of their labours. 

Such men as La Fontaine, Corneille, Hacine, and other celebrated 
writers, were however appointed to confer with the directors of the 
Academy for the time being, and to aid them in their labours. This 
mixed commission did not, however, agree ; and the academicians 
resolved on following out the plan of Cardinal de Eichelieu, in com- 
pihng a dictionary and grammar of the French language. Their 
labour proceeded slowly, owing to the difficulty of classifying words, 
and of defining the meaning of each expression. All provincial or 
Fatois words were carefully excluded. Notwithstanding the learning 
of the Chancelier Seguier and the Abbe Eegnier, to whom the com- 
pletion of this difficult task was committed, the Dictionary was only 
finally concluded in 1694, having taken forty years in its composition. 
Nor did the Grammar appear before the year 1697. Thus, not- 
withstanding all the talent which had been employed on these two 
great works — the very basis of the French language — ttiey cost 
nearly half a century of toil. Nothing gives a greater idea of the 
care and labour which must have been bestowed upon the French 
language by the Academy, than the length of the period occupied in 
the production of these two works. 

We can obtain no good account of the doings of the Academy 
from 1700 to 1715 — the last fifteen years of Louis XIV's reigu ; 
and Monsieur D' Olivet has not been able to follow the plan of M. 
Pellisson, of giving a biography of the Members of the Academy 
during that period. A list, however, is furnished of the names of 
the various members of the Academy down to the year 1789, with a 
sketch of their doings. 

Our space prevents a more detailed account of this celebrated asso- 
ciation, though enough has been said of its history to prove what that 
learned body has effected for the language and literature of France ; 
and how much labour and skill have been bestowed upon objects 
which would not have been accomplished but for the eminent men 
belonging to it. We are glad to see that the Academy has not 



L^ACADliMIE PRANQAISE. 275 

departed from the admonition given to it in its early days by Louis 
XIV — " to select as its members the ablest men it can find, without 
care as to politics or reliffion." 

Thus, as we have seen, it could not have made a better choice 
than the Abbe Lacordaire, the greatest Prench preacher of his age, 
and one of the most eloquent supporters of his own pecuhar creed 
— -even in spite of Imperial warnings ; while it is pleasing to find 
tliat, notwithstanding the many changes which have taken place in 
Prance, the Academy still numbers amongst its most eminent mem- 
bers that ablest of statesmen, most erudite of historians, and highly- 
gifted French orator. Monsieur Guizot, the illustrious president of 
the association. In offering our tribute of praise to these two able 
men for eloquence and independence, we should not forget the impar- 
tiality of the Prench Emperor, who has permitted the expression of 
opinions in the Academy opposed to his own policy and government. 
Historical students, as well as politicians, may thus learn something 
from the orations of both these men, and from the vicissitudes of the 
Academy. No work will give them a better idea of the origin and 
the labours of the Academy, the objects which it had in view, and the 
difficulties with which it had to contend, than the book we have 
placed at the head of our article. 



LES GIKONDINS DE MONS. J. GUADET. 



LES aiKONDINS.* 



Many striking historical plienoraena fade into insignificance 
when compared with the great poHtical and social change which 
is known as the Prench Eevolution of 1789. As important as 
it was powerful over the subsequent politics of Europe, the Eevolu- 
tion exercised^ and still continues to exercise, a perceptible influence 
on the destinies of nations, having so fostered and protected demo- 
cratic and radical changes as to acclimatize republicanism in many a 
country of Europe. So many works have appeared on the causes, the 
parties, the occurrences, and the effects, of the French revolution, that 
we could scarcely have believed it possible for any writer, however able 
or studious, to have afforded new information on so old a subject. We 
are therefore not a little surprised, though much gratified, that a 
well-known historian and translator of many valuable French works 
has entered the lists as a champion for " Les Girondins." As 
nephew of one of the most active chiefs of the Gironde, Monsieur J. 
Gaudet has been enabled to obtain ample sources of information from 
public documents, private letters and papers, and the conversations 
and traditions of his family ; which disclose much that is novel in 
the private life of the most illustrious men of that party. 

He has divided his work on " Les Girondins " into three 
parts: — 1, their private lives; — 2, their public career; — 3, their 
destruction during the reign of terror. 

In a well-written preface, he tells us that as early as 1840 he 
had collected ample materials for a vindication of his ill-fated 
countrymen, and had even put into type some private papers, when 
Lamartine announced his History of the Girondists. Thus, for a 
time, Gaudet relinguished his labours, hoping for ample justice from 

* Les Girondins, leur vie privec, leur vie publique, leur proscription et leur 
mort, par J. Guadet, Neveu du Representant. Two Vols. Paris: Didier & C"-~* 
3), Uuai des Augustins, 1861. 



280 LES GIUONDINS. 

SO able and eminent a writer. When Lamartine's work appeared, 
Guadet found his expectations sadlj disappointed, as Lamartine had 
only used " Les Girondins " as an attractive title, and said but little 
of their actual doings. Our author's pen could, therefore, 
no longer remain inactive ; and he resumed his task, trusting 
thereby not only to put the conduct of his uncle in a clearer light 
before the world, and remove the unfavourable verdict which had so 
long been recorded against the Girondist party, but also to publish 
much novel and hitherto unauthenticated information. His close 
relationship to the famous Guadet is therefore the best introduction 
he can have to the public ; though, while making allowance for his 
family predilections, we are surprised that he should adopt theories 
at variance with most other historians. 

Thus he has described Louis XVI as a hypocrite, indifferent 
to all obligations, who only signed the constitution through fear, 
with the reservation to break it as soon as foreign allies and his 
own friends at home could assist him. It is quite possible that the 
actions of the sovereign might give a republican like Guadet an 
unfavourable impression ; but any impartial narrator will at 
once perceive that it was the King's want of firmness, and not his 
duplicity, which made him adopt an apparently double conduct. 
With regard to the Girondist party, we can only judge of it from 
the host of Memoirs left by all shades of political writers. It was, 
doubtless, composed of brilliant men, whose chief qualities for 
legislation lay in their eloquence and opportunities ; though it can- 
not be denied that they propounded the use made of impracticable 
theories, and endeavoured to unite a moderate democracy with a 
monarchical constitution — two forms of government impossible for 
Prance. Our author is not altogether incorrect when he states that 
it would have been impossible to raise a new hereditary order, to 
stand between the King and the people after the noblesse had been 
swept away by the Revolution ; nevertheless he must admit that 
no firm constitutional monarchy ever existed without it, and that 
the aristocracy which he would have temporally established would 
not have possessed sufficient solidity or independence to oppose the 
encroachments of the crown or the excesses of the people. 

The book opens with a long account of the difference between 
the northern and southern inhabitants of France. The former, 
we are told, are German in origin, having thence imbibed much 
of their language, laws, and even character ; whilst the latter are 
Roman in origin, language, and government. Having given us a 
somewhat discursive account of the natural feelings of these 
races, he at once goes on to describe the town of Bordeaux, 
the chief seat of the Girondin party, and gives a good account 



LES GIRONDIXS. 281 

of its early history. It seems that as long ago as the 12th century, 
while yet under the dominion of the English, it had already made 
great progress in wealth and commerce, and that it was more liberal 
than any other district of that ])eriod. Its municipality at an early 
date passed severe laws against the ill treatment of citizens of the 
middle and lower ranks by the Barons ; whilst in other places they 
still contiuued to plunder the merchants and tyrannize over the 
labouring man. A heavy penalty and even imprisonment was often 
inflicted, at Bordeaux, upon a noble who had ill-treated an inferior. 
Thus the town increased in importance, in civilization, and in 
power, with each succeeding century, until Louis XIV^s reign, 
when the greatest part of the American commerce with Prance 
was carried on through Bordeaux, and the town became second 
only in importance to Paris itself. It had, likewise, made rapid 
advances in letters and science, and possessed an university, 
academy, ipuseum, and parliament ; which latter was the chief 
legislative^^assembly of Guienne., Its bar was filled by men of 
great legal power, eloquence, and general information; and thus, 
in the popular excitement which spread through Prance in 1789, 
Bordeaux had more than its proper share. As the original seat 
of the Girondist party, it gave political birth to three young men 
of very remarkable talents and character — Verginaud, Gensonne, 
and Guadet. The two former M'ere of respectable parents in Bor- 
deaux, received a good education at the academy and university of 
that city, and afterwards went to the bar, at which they soon 
acquired a well-deserved eminence for eloquence and learning. 
Guadet (the uncle of our author) was born at St. Emilion, a 
town of the Bordelais, at some distance from Bordeaux and re- 
ceived the rudiments of his education at home. He was afterwards 
sent to complete his studies at the university of the city, where he 
much distinguished himself by his application and by the progress 
he made in all branches of knowledge. Here a friendship sprung 
up between him and the other two future leaders of the great Giron- 
dist party, and, like them, he endeavoured to acquire celebrity, by 
devoting himself to the legal profession, and thus became renowned 
for oratorical powers, although of a more moderate style than that 
of his associates. 

Virginaud has been compared by our author to Demosthenes, 
whilst Gensonne is said to have resembled Cicero. Notwithstanding 
the brilliant talents which these three men possessed, they seem, 
even according to the admission of our author, to have lacked that 
common sense which is so necessary to the formation of a really good 
administrative statesman. They were, no doubt, great speakers and 
able to lead a legislative assembly ; but they were men ever ready to 

o 



28^ LES GIRONDINS. 

run after speculative theories impossible of accomplishment. Of 
their integrity and sincerity, which are so loudly praised by our 
author, we have but little doubt, though we must admit that 
their chief fault lay in obstinate adherence to impracticable opi- 
nions. Having given us a long dissertation on their characters 
and abilities, our author briefly glances at tiie public events 
which were then occurring at Paris. He relates how the States- 
General had been hastily called together to deliberate on urgent 
affairs, and the finances of the nation ; liow the three orders could 
not agree together; how the Tiers Etats took upon itself the 
whole powers of the legislature; how it formed itself into a 
national assembly, and would not disperse even at the King's com- 
mand ; how the people became excited by the speeches of Mirabeau 
and other ministers; how they attacked and took the Bastile; 
how they provided themselves with arms ; how the National Guard 
was formed under La Payette, who, unfortunately for himself, dis- 
pleased by his conduct both the sovereign and the people ; and how 
the Parisians were pressed by a famine, which was attributed to the 
bad government of the King and his ministers, and only to be 
removed by his presence, together with that of his whole court, at 
Paris. We are then told that, in order to carry out these measures, 
tlie people tumultuously marched, on the 5th of October, 1789, to 
compel the King to return to his capital ; that, after a severe 
struggle, they successfully accomplished their purpose. Louis, thus 
being at Paris instead of Versailles, was, together with the As- 
sembly, thoroughly under the control of the mob, who found no 
difficulty in obtaining the King's consent to the favoured "Con- 
stitution of the Rights of Man,'' by which it was enacted that all 
citizens should be equal in the eye of the law ; that the press should 
be free ; that liberty of speech should be generally allowed to all 
men, even on political matters ; that the King, although at the head 
of the army and imvy, and of the judicial courts of the country, 
should be unable to enter on any war, or complete any treaty, with- 
out the consent of the National Assembly ; and, lastly, that his sig- 
nature, though now obligatory to each act of the legislature, was 
henceforth to be considered as unnecessary. All titles of nobility 
were likewise abolished, and the emigrants who had been formed into 
a small army under the Prince de Conde and the Comte d'Artois, 
on the banks of the Rhine, were declared exiles from the kingdom, 
their estates confiscated, and their lives forfeited. Before, however, 
this constitution could be entirely completed, the King made his 
escape towards the frontier, where, as is well known, he was unfor- 
tunately recognised and brought back to Paris. M. Guadet informs 
us that the King never intended to leave Prance, but simply to 



LES GIRONDINS. 283 

establish himself at some ])lcice on the froTitier> where lie could easily 
lobtain assistance from his emigrant subjects and his allies, and with 
them be enabled to march to Paris in triumph. We much doubt 
this assertion. Assuming, however, that it was so, the conduct of the 
National Assembly was most imprudent, as it placed itself in 
a false position by thus restraining the person of the King, and 
forcing hitn to consent to a constitution which was contrary to his 
own wishes, and thus gave the allies an excellent pretext for their 
subsequent invasion of France. Trom Paris, our author returns 
to Bordeaux, and describes the sensation occasioned there by 
the passing of the new constitution, and the subsequent flight 
and recapture of the King. The former event was received with great 
rejoicings by ihe Bordelaise ; bells were rung in all churches, salvos 
ot artillery were fired, the civil and military authorities and the 
national guard marched in procession to the principal church, where 
the book ii| the constitution was placed on the altar of liberty, and 
an address to the King was drawn up and composed by Yerginaud, 
Gensonne, and Guadet, now high in municipal office. In this address 
the King was congratulated and praised for having granted "so liberal 
a constitution to his subjects, for having more considered their 
welfare than his own, and for having fulfilled in action what his 
predecessors had only promised." Still the flight of the King and his 
subsequent arrest occasioned considerable anxiety. In Paris, the 
National Assembly continued its labours, where the constitu- 
tion was at length completed, and signed by the King. Here, 
again, our author accuses Louis XYI of " temporising ;' as he affirms 
that the King fully intended to break his oath as soon as he could 
obtain assistance, and that he was engaged in a long and secret 
correspondence with the Count d'Artois, the Prince de Oonde, the 
Emperor of Germany, and the King of Prussia, whose assistance he 
sought to enable him to regain his lost authority. If this secret corres- 
pondence actually took place, it was both foolish and impolitic, as the 
letters were almost certain to fall into the hands of the republicans, 
and furnish them with a good excuse for their subsequent cruel and 
unjust treatment of the really good-hearted, though feeble monarch. 
We cannot agree with our author that Louis XYI perjured himself 
in order to obtain power. That it would have redounded more to his 
credit had he gallantly supported his authority by an appeal to 
arms, or given his full and undeviating assent to the constitu- 
tion, there can be no doubt. Yacillation, not temporising, ultimately 
lost him his life. We have a lively description of the formation of the 
clubs, and of their influence on Prench politics — Petion being the chief 
of the Cordeliers ; Eob(?spierre, Danton, and Marat, the municipal Ja- 
cobins, The revolutionary movements at this period might have been 



284 LES GIKONDINS. 

considerably moderated by Mirabeau, whose eloquence and influence 
carried muclr weight. He, however, was now struck down by death. 
After him, Brissot could have effected much, as the leader of the mode- 
rate repubhcans ; for, as a statesman and editor of the Moniteur and 
several pamphlets of a republican character, he had long led the 
moderate party of reform, previous to 1789. He, however, was in 
exile in Britain, and only returned to France to be impri- 
soned in the Bastile for his old political opinions. On his release, 
lie again devoted himself to letters, and to the advocacy of republican 
opinions. His influence waned, liowever, with his age. We have, 
lastly , La Fayette, whose character as a courageous, though rash soldier, 
had given him much influence in the country. These three men let 
slip the happy moment of their popularity, and anarchy ensued. 

The Constituent Assembly, having been dissolved, was replaced 
by the National Assembly. This was an injurious step, as the country 
was thus deprived of many statesmen who had acquired experience 
in the business of legislation. During its sitting, great troubles arose 
in the provinces of Brittany and Normandy, owing to the dissensions 
of the clergy with respect to the oath to be taken to the new con- 
stitution. These disturbances rose to such a height in Brittany that 
General Dumouriez, the commander of the province, requested further 
military aid from Paris. Thus the new Assembly looked wdth alarm at 
these priestly differences; and, in consequence, the Girondist chiefs 
emerged, during this debate, from almost private into public life, 
displayuig as much eloquence and ability in the Assembly as they had 
done in the courts and parliament of their native town. Their 
powerful speeches are quoted at great length by our author, though 
they appear to us to be more adapted for a debating society than 
a legislative chamber. The Assembly next occupied itself with the 
impeachment of the foreign minister, who was tried for the secret 
correspondence which he had carried on with the emigrants and 
German Princes. The impeachment was adopted by a large majority, 
and the King was obliged to change his whole ministry. 

The next cabinet was chiefly formed of the leaders of the Girondist 
party ; riz. Dumouriez, Roland, Claviere, Servan, and Brissot. Their 
jjolicy was very contrary to the incKnations and opinions of the 
King, who became a mere puppet in their hands ; and they were 
much disliked by the Court, Dumouriez being the only person whom 
the Queen could tolerate. Eoland was a simple man of business, 
who cared neither for the haughty flippancy of the courtiers, nor 
the coldness of the King. He maintained a quiet, but determined 
attitude, and forced the sovereign to declare war against the Emi- 
grants and the German Princes. The Jacobins may be said to have 
dated their, success from this period, under Danton, Marat, and Ro- 



LES GIRONDINS. 285 

bespierre. These men opposed the superior eloquence and modi- 
fied republicanism of the government with noisy clamour. Danton 
was a man not altogether devoid of good qualities and generous 
feelings, though impulsive, firm, and courageous. Eobespierre, on 
the contrary, was hypocritical, ambitious, calculating, and cold. 
Whilst Marat was a bloody tyrant, possessed of vast influence over 
the mob ; thus becoming extremely useful to his two more able 
colleagues, in directing its movements. 

We have a very amusing account of the person and character of 
Madame Roland, her opinions on the statesmen of the day, and on the 
characters of Brissot and Robespierre ; the former of whom she 
considered as a man of much intellect and information, though want- 
ing in resolution ; whilst the latter, she avowed, " supported the most 
absurd theories with the greatest obstinacy;^' and was unlikely to dis- 
tinguish himself either as an orator or politician, or to attain that 
influence ^id importance which he afterwards acquired during the 
reign of terror. Madame Roland was the spirit and life which guided 
all the measures of this ministry, and thence, as some say, their name, 
Sans-Culottes. It did not, however, long remain in power, as the 
King very justly refused to give his consent to the decree which had 
been passed against the clergy, confiscating to the state all the lands 
of those who would not take their oaths to the government. 

The King, though desirous of retaining the service of Dumouriez, 
now lost that general, who unfortunately resigned his post, on the 
plea, that having outlived his popularity, he coukl no longer secure 
his majesty from the attacks of the violent republicans. 

We cannot agree with M. Guadet in his defence of the Girondius 
as the supporters of constitutional monarchy, however able as po- 
liticians and orators. We think that what he alleges in their behalf is 
erroneous, and that they were looked upon by the royalists as republi- 
cans, and by the Jacobins as counter-revolutionists. This was their 
error and their misfortune. By their obstinate support of impracticable 
principles they became in a great degree responsible for the evils 
which afterwards befel their unfortunate country. If they dreaded 
that royalty would reduce every thing to the same arbitrary condition 
as existed previous to the assembling of the States General in 1789, 
they should first have placed the state in security from the attacks 
of the ultra- republicans, who were far more dangerous than the 
supporters of the King; and they then might have with safety 
proceeded to the discussion and establishment of their principles of 
government, if practicable. 

It was the endeavour to support monarchical government joined 
with democracy that lost the Girondists their influence, and at 



286 LES GIUONDINS. 

length consigned their chief leaders to the tender mercies of the 
Jacobins, and ended in the ruin of the whole party. 

We must take leave also to differ from M. Guadet in his at- 
tempts to excuse the declaration of war against the European powers, 
France was not attacked at this period, though it was necessary both 
for the Girondists and their successors, the Jacobins, to acquire po- 
pularity by brilliant campaigns. It was a sine qua non for them, if they 
intended to preserve their power at home, to surround themselves with 
a number of republican states, whose interest it would be to fight 
against absolute monarchs, and be, to a certain degree, dependent on 
the French republican party. M. Guadet defeats his own arguments 
by his statements, as he tells us that on all the frontier a war, 
sooner or later, was apprehended, and that the most active prepara- 
tions were everywhere going on. Such efforts could not have been 
made, nor such apprehensions felt, unless the government of the 
country was absolutely bent on contending with foreign powers. 
"We are further strengthened in this opinion by the fact, that Mons. 
de NarLoTuie, Minister of War, journeyed to the frontier, and held 
several consultations with La Fayette and other generals as to the 
best modes of recruiting the army and attacking the most exposed 
towns. He also entered into an arrangement for the supply of 
22,000 horses, and raised the force of the army to 200,000 men. 
Mons. de Narbonne also strongly impressed the generals with the ne- 
cessity of secrecy. " We will only tell the National Assembly what is 
absolutely necessary, and what it is impossible to keep secret from them 
and the rest of the public." These plans alone might be sufficient 
to prove what the war policy of the Girondist government really was, 
had not a further proof been furnished by the three large armies which 
were kept on foot on the frontier. It proves nothing to say that many 
of the powers of Europe refrained from immedialety entering into a 
gigantic contest with France. The English were imlikely to enter 
hastily into another war, after the defeat and expense of the American 
contest. The Eussiau Empire and the Northern States were 
too far removed from the scene of action, and too busy with their 
own concerns, to take an interest in so distant a war. The Swiss 
and the Italian powers were too weak to undertake such a contest 
unassisted, whilst the mountaineers were naturally unwilling to take 
up arms in opposition to those who held similar political principles to 
themselves. Spain, Sardinia, and the German powers, were more 
likely, from their importance and position, to commence a war; and 
who could more justly enter into it than the Emperor of Germany, 
the relative of Louis XVI and the unfortunate exile princes of the 
Ehine, and the Prussian King, who justly feared that his dominions 
would be the first to be invaded ; but still they had not actually 



LES GIRONDINS. 287 

commenced hostilities. Thus the war was impolitic on the part 
of the Girondists, as it gave the Jacobins a good opportunity for 
creating disturbances at home, and attaining subsequent success. 
We shall soon see how Les Girondins, by abandoning the King 
in the midst of so terrible a war, a war that they had sanctioned 
and partly directed, and by endeavouring to force the King's consent 
to measures which were contrary to the royal inclinations, ruined 
the sovereign, lost their influence, and gave a good excuse to the 
mob for beginning those terrible outrages which terminated in the 
destruction of the King and royal family, and in the total insecurity 
of life and property. 

The King was now obliged to call to his councils the most 
liberal amongst the royalists. These men were unfortunately little 
known, although they were sufficiently moderate in their principles 
to have governed any country, and advised any monarch but Louis 
XVI of France, during the year 1792. The Girondists, had they 
possessed any pity for the monarch in his unfortunate situation, 
might have coalesced with these men, or else have recommended 
some suitable advisers at so critical a period. They did neither, and 
thus seem to have rejoiced that their dismissal occasioned so much 
discontent and embarrassment. M. Guadet simply notices this 
ministry as '' compose d'hommes a peu pres inconnus.'" The people 
took the opportunity of the anniversary of the Tennis-court clay- 
to march to the Assembly, and tumultuoualy lay their complaints 
before its members. After some hesitation, they were admitted into 
the hall of the National Assembly, where a most ludicrous and 
violent scene occurred; most of the multitude were armed with pikes 
and other M^eapons, and indignantly demanded why the members of 
the National Assembly had permitted the Girondist ministry, the 
friends of the nation, to be dismissed. These demands were accom- 
panied with terrible menaces and republican songs, brandishing of 
pikes and other arms, Petion endeavoured, but in vain, to quiet the 
mob ; and when La Fayette, who was absent on the frontier, heard 
of the demonstration, he declared his intention of journeying to Paris 
to save the King and the Assembly. Petion, however, was loath to 
adopt the counsel of La Fayette, fearing his rashness at the head of 
the National Guard more than all the excesses of the revolutionary 
mob. Thus Les Girondins may be considered as the cause of the 
early disturbance of public order, notwithstanding their boasted 
support of the laws and constitution. Even the eloquent pen of M. 
Guadet cannot JBnd a just excuse for their conduct. 

TJie allies had by this time collected a great force on the eastern 
frontier of France, and the greatest alarm and excitement were 
occasioned by their warlike appearance and vigorous measures. 



288 LES GIEONDINS. 

Many of the republican leaders set up tlie cry that the country was 
in clanger, and strongly fostered the belief that the King carried on 
a secret correspondence, both with the emigrants and the German 
powers. This of course still further exasperated the republicans, 
and gave rise to much excitement amongst the people. Volunteers 
enrolled themselves in the service of their country, and were for a 
time gladly accepted ; although they augmented the expenses of the 
French army by their numbers, and were almost useless against the 
well-organized and experienced Austrian and Prussian troops. Still 
the royalists everywhere began to hope that the fortunes of their 
sovereign would revive, and Guadet affirms that the Queen had 
even communicated to one of the King's greatest supporters and 
most trusted counsellors that her husband's authority would 
soon be restored with the assistance of foreign troops. Marie 
Antoinette's brave heart might have fostered such hopes, and her 
want of caution might have led her to express them ; but this is no 
reason why the honesty of her husband should be calumniated, or 
misrepresented. It is a matter of fact that the King was now resolved 
to carry on the war with vigour, having once reluctantly declared it 
against the German powers. Unfortunately for him and his Queen, 
the allies lost their advantage by imprudence. The Duke of 
Brunswick, who led them, and who was admitted even by re- 
publican leaders to be a good general, was yet no politician, as he 
issued a most violent manifesto, threatening all those who should 
oppose the allied armies oil their march through France to Paris 
with the treatment of rebels, and even menaced the inhabitants of 
the French capital with severe chastisement, should they resist 
his soldiers. This conduct did more harm than good to the royal 
cause ; and drove the Jacobins to strike a decisive blow at the power 
of the King, on the memorable 10th of August, 1792. Various 
corps from the different sections of Paris advanced against the 
Tuileries — ^Petion, the Mayor, endeavouring in vain to appease so 
vast a mob. He then hurried to the Palace and apprised the King 
of the rising of the people, and, as he declared, '' supported him 
in resisting their intrusion." The King's defenders were 900 
Swass guards, and 400 of the old nobility who rallied round their 
sovereign. These troops were, however, at variance with each, 
other;' whilst the commander of the old noblesse imprudently 
irritated the National Guard by exclaiming, in the presence of the 
sovereign, " Sire, your subjects of the aristocracy are ready to shed 
their best blood in the attempt to restore your authority." The mob 
were well organised and well armed, and the conspiracy had been so 
thoroughly planned, by a club of leading Jacobins formed for the 
purpose, that its dreadful success was beyond doubt. The first con- 



LES GIRONDINS. 289 

sideratioii with Petion was the safety of the King and his suite, in 
which the National Assembly shared ; and it was decreed that the 
King, the Queen, the children, and the ladies of the court should be 
received within its walls. Thus both Petion and the Procureur-gene- 
ral advised the royal family to proceed thither; and, after some hesi- 
tation on the part of the Qneen, who was a true and worthy descend- 
ant' of the house of Austria, and who would have defended the royal 
prerogatives and dignity with the spirit of a Maria Theresa, had she 
been on the throne instead of Louis XVI, the advice w^as accepted, 
and the King and the royal family Avere escorted to the National As- 
sembly by 200 Swiss guards. Great difficulty, however, was expe- 
rienced en route, as the mob penetrated in great numbers into the 
Tuileries gardens. When the King reached the Assembly, its doors 
were closed against the unfortunate guards. A struggle between the 
populace and the Swiss guard commenced, the latter refusing to sur- 
render so long as they had arms. Pew, however, escaped the fury of 
the mob, who, afler--they had butchered the faithful Swiss, turned 
their steps towards the Assembly, and obliged the members, by fear- 
ful menaces, to pass a decree by which the executive authority of the 
King should be provisionally suspended, and the government intrusted 
to a provisional council, until a National Convention could be as- 
sembled. This was another fatal step; as, without the executive, 
everything fell into disorder and anarchy. Our author endeavours to 
exculpate Les Girondins, by affirming that neither Yerginaud, Gen- 
sonne, Guadet, or Petion were in the secret of this conspiracy. This 
may be so ; but they must be blamed for their want of resolution to 
resist the demands of the Jacobin leaders, iu abolishing the power of 
the King, and in allowing all influence to verge into the hands of 
Danton and his friends of the Commune. • , 

The Assembly now placed the government in the hands of Po- 
land, Brissot, Danton, and some of his more moderate revolutionary 
friends ; and, as our author observes, this was a " nouveau role des 
Girondins en face de la Commune." It clearly proves that their 
sympathies were with the ultra republicans rather than the royalists, 
that they preferred uniting with the tumultuous leaders of the mob, 
than to honestly joining the King and his friends, even though 
such a union might have secured the laws and the government 
which they themselves had established. By appointing Dan- 
ton minister of justice, they enabled the Commune to carry out all 
their audacious and bloody designs, even m defiance of the National 
Assembly and the cabinet ; for, as M. Guadet rather happily expresses 
it, " Danton had one foot in the Cabinet and the other in the Com- 
mune." He tlnis apparently stultified the measures of his friends 
in the Commune, though he actually did all in his power to promote 

p p 



290 LES GIHONDINS. 

their schemes in the Cabinet. It appears more than wonderful that 
he shonld ever have been selected as the colleague of Eoland and 
Brissot. The Girondists,, however, seem to have thought that Dan- 
ton's ambition would have been quieted by such an appointment, and 
that the ministry would thereby be strengthened. 

The Commune commenced its career of bold atrocity by forming 
an extraordinary tribunal, as it alleged, to try the Swiss prisoners, 
but really to condemn all opponents, a military court martial being 
too slow a proceeding for such bloodthirsty tyrants. It seized on 
the public press, terrified several writers and journalists, and thus 
gained vast influence over the minds of the people, by calumniating 
the ministry and the members of the National Assembly. All houses 
in the city were searched for concealed or suspected royalists ; and 
although the members of the Assembly and the Girondist portion of 
the Cabinet protested against this audacious conduct, and passed 
several decrees condemning it, these ultra revolutionists were never- 
theless enabled to overcome the moderates by threatening to sound 
the tocsin and call the sections to arms ; which latter power they 
obtained by the secret connivance of Danton, minister of justice. As 
the Assembly was not sufficiently pliant, the next step was to terrify 
it, and to gain further influence with the mob. This was done by 
organizing the insurrection and massacre of the 4th of September, 
when the prisons of Paris were attacked, and the helpless prisoners 
butchered, in the hope that some aristocrats might be amongst them. 
The remonstrance of the moderate party in the Assembly was of no 
avail, and the thorough absence of military force and police, to 
counteract such excesses, must have clearly shown to the Girondists 
the sad evils which they had brought upon themselves and the country 
by their abolition of the executive power of the King. It is true 
that the royal power was considerably limited ; but even to the last 
\t had sufficient strength to exact some degree of obedience from the 
doihtary and the police. This moral power could not easily be 
supplied by the Assembly, or by the Cabinet which it had ap- 
pointed to rule over the country during the period which inter- 
vened between the King's dethronement and the calling together of 
the National Convention. 

Our author endeavours again and again to vindicate the conduct 
of his friends, by affirming that they had not sufficient strength to 
cope with the Jacobins, that Eoland was continually writing to Pe- 
tion, the mayor, or other officers of the municipality, calling upon 
them to maintain order hj adopting vigorous measures. But it appears 
to have been their own fault that they did nOt possess the power to 
put down the revolutionary leaders ; as every public step they made 
to regain that influence led to their own ruin, and the power of their 



LES GIRONDINS. 291 

adversaries. Thus the Jacobins made good use of the time vvliich 
intervened between the King's loss of power and the assembling of 
the Convention, whilst they obtained by intimidation the election of 
a larger number of their own members than had been previously re- 
])resented in the National Assembly. Amongst these, Hobespierre, 
Marat, Caraille Desmoulins, Danton, and other ferocious leaders, were 
tlie most conspicuous. The Jacobins in this manner obtained more 
power in the Convention than they could have done in the Com- 
mune, that body having influence only in Paris, whilst the Conven- 
tion legislated for the whole nation. The rest of the Convention was 
composed of men of good intentions and respectable position in the 
nation, together with a considerable number of Girondists ; viz. the 
"Rolands, Brissots, the Condorcets, the Petions, the Verginauds, Gen- 
sonn^ and Guadet. These men displayed their usual eloquence and 
tenacity in supporting their own principles in the neiv constitution, 
which had now to be drawn up. Prance was at once declared a re- 
public, and liberty and equality the principal aim of the government. 
This settled, the Jacobins set to work to accuse the Girondists of 
treachery, and of neglect of the defences of the country. According 
to Robespierre, the emigres were daily obtaining fresh successes, and 
advancing quickly towards the frontier. The Jacobins made good 
use of this news to alarm the people and occasion riots — thus 
overawing those members who were peaceably disposed, to sup- 
port the Girondists in resisting the calumnious attacks of the 
Jacobin chiefs. Robespierre was, however, intent on mischief, and 
daily brought forward frivolous charges, which he endeavoured to 
prove by quotations from the celebrated memorial to Louis XVI. 
Robespierre affirmed that this document fully proved that the Giron- 
dists were united with the King against the liberties of the people. 
This was, however, indignantly refuted by Verginaud, who, in a very 
able speech, declared that the document was rather to be looked upon 
in the light of a private letter, written to the King, than as a state 
paper ; and further, that the Girondists had shown, by the dethrone- 
ment of the King and abolishment of his authority, that they were 
not united with him. Louvet, one of the Girondists, retorted on 
Robespierre with violent recrimination. He accused him of having 
tampered with the elections, and with having obtained influence for 
his party by intimidation and violence. 

The Jacobins, having filled all the government offices with their 
creatures, now adopted a still more daring policy, and brought the 
King to trial, " for having abused his authority, and conspired with 
the enemies of the empire against the safety of the nation," It was 
maintained by the Girondists that no clause existed in tlie consti- 
tution by which the King could be tried /(?r Ms-life ; that his person 



'292 LES GTRONDINS. 

had already been declared inviolable ; so that the Assembly could 
only inflict upon him perpetual imprisonment, or exile. All these 
reasons were, however, overruled by Eobespierre and the other Ja- 
cobin leaders, who carried, by a large majority, the trial of the King 
at their bar. 

This trial was a political blunder, and cannot be justified. We 
therefore do not agree with M. Guadet in considering that the King 
was guilty of conspiring against tlie safety of the empire. Had he 
been so disposed, he need never have called together the States 
General to deliberate on the aft'airs of the nation; for it was not 
an established necessity, as in England, to convoke any assembly to 
legislate on external or internal affairs, or to levy taxes. Again, the 
States General had not been acknowledged as a part of the Prench 
constitution for nearly two centuries. The calling together of the States 
therefore, and the King's request that they should assist him with 
their advice, was a pure act of grace on his part; and he might, 
when the Tiers Etat took upon itself the whole burthen of 
legislation, have dissolved the assembly, as his ancestor, Henry IV, 
had done, on the plea, that as the orders could not agree amongst 
themselves, their proceedings were useless, and only calculated to 
impede, instead of assisting, the King and his government in the, 
business of legislation. Any other sovereign but Louis XYI would 
have attempted to disperse the deputies of the Tiers Etat at the 
point of the bayonet on the Jour de Paurae. He might easily 
have rallied round his person the royalist nobles of the provinces, by 
any decided step. None of these measures, however, did he choose 
to adopt ; and thus his want of firmness totally unfitted him for his 
station. The best defence ever made for Louis XVI was in the brief 
answer which Napoleon gave to Talleyrand, when that statesman ap- 
plied the epithet of tyrant to the fallen sovereign, — " Tyrant he was 
not,^' said Napoleon ; for had he been one, ?/oii would have remained 
an Abbe, and I a simple Captain of Engineers." There were great 
differences in the Convention as to whether the King should be put to 
death at once, or allowed to appeal to the people. The Girondists 
were mostly of the latter opinion ; but the Jacobins, fearing that 
their victim would escape by delay, and that they would be deprived 
of the opportunity which his execution afforded of ruining their 
enemies, hastened the trial as much as possible, and obtained, by a 
very large majority, the immediate execution of the Sovereign. The 
Girondists in vain endeavoured to save the King, though they were 
not actuated by the conviction of his innocence, but were induced to 
do so by the feehng that so soon as the King was executed their own 
destruction would be planned. 

At this period, Condorcet and his party suggested an elaborate 



LBS G1R0ND1N3. 293 

form of representation with two chambers, and proceeded to pass 
stringent measures for the election of the provincial magistracy. 
Such a sensible mode of government was but little desired by the 
leaders to gain influence by clamour and the mob. They doubtless 
felt that if the Girondists were allowed to proceed quietly in forming 
a thorough republican constitution, they would irrevocably lose their 
hold upon the Assembly, and by it all opportunity of gaining influ- 
ence in the republican faubourgs of Paris. They therefore strove to 
bring to trial all those who had defended the Sovereign and the 
Tuileries Palace on the memorable 10th of August, and all 
those who had opposed the massacres of the 4th of September. This 
sweeping measure was resisted by tlie Girondists with all the energy 
and eloquence which they could command ; but their efforts proving 
ineffectual, Danton, Marat, and Eobespierre obtained a complete 
ascendancy over the neutral members by means of intimidation and 
clamour. Our author goes out of his way to attack Lamartine for 
endeavouring to show that Dumouriez sought to bring about an 
alliance between Danton, Condorcet, and other chiefs, and more 
especially with his uncle. M. Guadet stoutly denies this assertion, 
and proves that Dumouriez never attempted such a combination, 
and never alluded to it in his Memoirs ; that the meeting which 
Lamartine describes between Guadet and Danton is a pure invention, 
and that had the Girondists united with this celebrated Jacobin chief, 
they could have gained but little power, as Danton, although a great 
mob orator, was a speaker of but little note in the Convention. 
Whichever writer is correct, there is but little doubt that the refusal 
of Guadet and his colleagues to join with Danton, if they had the 
chance, did them infinite harm ; as that statesman, once firmly united 
with Eobespierre and Marat, gave his whole weight with the ultra 
revolutionary party, which from that time advanced to the greatest 
power and guilt. Several of the Girondists in vain attempted to 
rouse the Convention as to the condition of the manufactures and 
commerce of France, then at the lowest ebb, from the pillage and 
excitement which had everywhere existed at the defeat of Dumour- 
iez and his army. Nothing, however, could be done to alleviate 
the commercial distress, until the army had been properly reinforced. 
Commissioners were therefore sent to watch the motions of the 
General, and, if possible, to supply him with the necessary provisions 
and ammunition of war. The want of success on the frontier was 
laid to the charge of the unfortunate Girondists, and led to the con- 
spiracy of the 10th of March, when the sections everywhere arose, 
and, marching towards the Convention, demanded that more 
vigorous measures should be taken to supply the wants of the army, 
and that the Commune should sit in permanence, together with its 



294 LES GIKONDINS. 

committee, for the trial of suspected persons : and that 40,000 
volunteers should be added to the army. As soon as these riots had 
subsided, the Girondists demanded that a strict investigation should 
be instituted, and the ringleaders brought to trial and punished. 
This occasioned very warm debates, in which Verginaud displayed his 
usual eloquence, and carried his point ; and a committee was ap- 
pointed, composed half of Girondists and half of Jacobin leaders. 
These men, however, did not agree ; and from that period no 
reconciliation could be brought about between the two great parties 
in the state ; whilst the Girondists lost every day in influence and 
importance. Tiie disaffection of Dumouriez, as it became more 
patent, was attributed to the Girondists,, who were accused of con- 
niving at it. Their indignant retorts on the Jacobins were answered 
by Danton, who, in a very angry speech, declared " that he could 
prove that no truce had been formed between the friends of liberty 
and the people, and those traitors whose object it was to restore the 
King to power and to save his life." Thus it became apparent that 
the Convention could do but little to maintain peace, and that affairs 
were fast drifting into anarchy and confusion." 

Considerable mystery hangs over the events of the 10th of March. 
Many writers partly attribute the insurrection to the Eoyalists, whom 
they accuse of the desire to create a counter revolution, and others 
affirm that the most exciting speeches did not proceed from the most 
democratic mouths. Be this as it may, it is rather too hard to lay 
the blame of most of the violent insurrections on the Royalists, though 
they were doubtless desirous of regaining their lost lands and wealth, 
and of restoring their beloved monarch to his former power. It was 
very natural that men who had been deprived of everything they had 
previously enjoyed, who were exiles from their country, and obliged 
to obtain a scanty subsistence, should not be over scrupulous as to 
the means they employed to regain their former position. It seems to 
us, however, much more reasonable to put the blame on the Jacobin 
leaders, as they were unscrupulous Iti a bad cause, and only desired 
personal power and position. Their only real impediment was the 
the little knot of Girondists, and it therefore became necessary that to 
clear the political horizon of these men, whom they accordingly at- 
tacked in the public journals and in the Convention. Eobespierre 
began by accusing Verginaud, Gensonne, and Guadet of treason to 
their country ; as having attempted to save the King, to restore the 
regal power ; to induce the army to march on Paris, and to put down 
the people and their friends. That they had likewise endeavoured to 
establish a new and middle order of aristocracy, by the formation of 
two deliberative Chambers, and had endeavoured to extinguish the 
glorious revolution with English gold. These taunts were indignantly 
answered bvYerginaud and Guadet, in two very able speeches. 



LES GIllONDINS. 295 

Guadet on this occasion uttered the most violent invectives 
against Kobespierre and Marat, accusing them, in turn, of grossly 
calumniating the characters of the real friends of the people, of 
having occasioned all the evils which tliey placed to the credit of the 
Girondists, of having formed the tribunal of the Commune, of having 
organised the most terrible riots only to advance their own am- 
bition, of having introduced a number of their armed creatures as 
spectators of the doings of the Convention merely to intimidate its 
members by their clamour and menaces. The Girondists, in their 
turn, attempted to bring Marat to trial for his violent writings. This 
was another impolitic act, as it only exasperated the republicans, and 
did the Girondists an infinity of harm. " Search for your enemies," 
said Marat, " in Paris itself, amongst the members of the Convention 
who formed the government; there you will find the greatest traitors 
to your liberty." This was a direct attack on the Girondists' party, 
though Marat's trial was moved and carried, notwithstanding the 
violent opposition of the Jacobins. Nevertheless, it was an unhappy 
victory for the Girondists ; for, as is usual with such martyrs, the 
more Marat had to suffer, the more his favour increased with the mob ; 
and a tumultuous body of petitioners appeared at the bar of the Con- 
vention, and demanded that justice should be done to Marat. This 
packed mob, who invaded the chamber, made up of some two hundred 
infuriated women and sans-culottes, demanded that certain of the 
members on the right (Girondists) should be proscribed. This mob 
increased in phrenzy and in numbers, and ultimately obtained the 
assistance of the Cordeliers and Jacobin clubs. It marched to the 
Convention, which was thus forced to accede to its demands ; and 
placed the greater number of the Girondin members on the list of 
the proscription. The Girondists declared their readiness to sacrifice 
property, and even life itself, to secure the freedom of their fellow 
citizens, whilst they stoutly denied the charges which had been 
brought against them. Notwithstanding their eloquent protestations, 
they were overruled by the clamour of the Mountain, who organised 
another insurrection, more formidable than any which had preceded it. 

Thoroughly overawed, the Convention now consigned the Giron- 
dists leaders to the tender mercies of the Committee of Public Safety. 
In the mean time, Verginaud and Gensonne acquainted the inha- 
bitants of Bordeaux with the events which had occurred at Paris, 
and which filled the whole Gironde with the greatest alarm and in- 
dignation. The Bordelais, together with the surrounding districts, 
organised a counter revolution, in support of their unfortunate' 
deputies ; and were joined by the towns of Marseilles and Lyons, 
who together raised a little army of 600 men, made themselves 
masters of Aix and Avignon, and broke down many of the 



296 LES GIRONDINS. 

bridges of the Ehone. In Lyons, thougli a feeling of hostility pre- 
vailed towards the Convention, the people were actuated by a very 
different motive. The manufacture of silk had flourished greatly 
under the ancient regime, and the workmen therefore looked with 
coldness on the efforts of the revolutionary party, and as the destroyers 
of their trade. They accordingly judged this a good opportunity for 
shaking off the yoke of the Convention, and restoring their old roy- 
alist friends to power. Thus they gladly joined the Bordelaise, the 
Marsellaise, and the inhabitants of other towns and departments, in 
their attempts to march upon Paris and reduce the Commune to its 
legitimate level. 

It had now become a question whether Paris alone should rule 
over the departments. The Jacobins, supported by the inhabitants 
of Paris and the Clubs, were resolved to centralize all power in 
their own hands by bloodshed and clamour ; and thus, by degrees, 
the Girondins lost all political power. If the account of Guadet is 
to be believed, these unfortunate men made a greater stand for their 
independence than other historians give them credit for. Had 
they lived at any other period, they might possibly have succeeded 
in establishing a firm republican government, on modern principles, 
together with security for life and property. But this was the age 
of extremes, when no man, however able, could expect to enjoy safety, 
much less success, unless he was either an ultra-royahst amongst 
the Yendean insurgents or the Ehenish emigrants, or a fierce Jacobin, 
ready to take part in all the riots of the sections of Paris, and to 
commit himself blindfold to the guidance of Robespierre, Danton, 
and Marat. In such days, brilliant and eloquent speculative poli- 
ticians, who supported well-defined laws and a tolerably equitable 
constitution, could not expect to stem the torrent of violent revolu- 
tionary opinions : and thus the Girondist leaders, with their compa- 
ratively moderate aspirations and sentiments, were overcome by 
enemies, who, though lacking the ability and the debating talents 
of their victims, possessed the more valuable qualities of audacity, 
ambition, and unscrupulous indifference as to the means employed. 
Courage and a knowledge of mob government were more useful in 
1793 than political sagacity and prudence, the most brilhant elo- 
quence, profound reasoning in debate, or power of intellect. Such 
men, therefore, as Yerginaud, Gensonne, Guadet, Barbaroux, Eoland, 
Petion, and many others, were completely overcome by the violence 
of Eobespierre and his colleagues, and were without difficulty in- 
carcerated in the prisons of Paris, to undergo a long and severe 
confinement, and to be brought before the Committee of Public 
Safety and condemned to be guillotined. Startling as it may appear, 
these pure and eloquent leaders of the Girondists, as our author calls 



LES GlllONDlNS. 297 

tlient, would not avail themselves of the frequent opportunities of 
escape ; but refused to quit Paris ; though to save themselves by 
flight would have been an easy matter, as their chief jailor was an old 
Swiss soldier of the guard, who had beeii taken prisoner on the me- 
morable 10th of August, and whose life had been spared by Yergi- 
naud. This man urgently entreated him to escape, and twice 
undertook to cover his flight from Paris. Persuasion was, however, 
useless ; with death before his eyes, Verginaud firmly refused to 
accept the offers of his Swiss friend, or escape his doom. Many of 
the Girondin leaders did likewise, until all hope was extinguished, 
and the alternative of flight or death alone remained. Early escape 
had been impossible, notwithstanding the rising of several provinc(?s 
against the Convention ; as all their letters to persons in the pro- 
vinces were seized, and their movements thwarted, by the Jacobin 
government. Information was also gained by commissioners, who 
were sent into every part of the country to take cognizance of the 
military operations of the various armies of the republic ; to 
supervise the magistrates, police, and officials of the different towns 
and departments ; to collect the taxes, and to control the mercantile 
affairs of the provinces. 

The Jacobins made themselves masters of the press, and kept 
the provinces in total ignorance of what was occurring in the 
capital. False reports were published in the Moniteur and other 
journals ; and some curious letters of Robespierre to the editors 
of papers, on the events of the 2nd of June, have been quoted 
in full by our author. They likewise raised large revenues by 
means of assignats, and by imposing an income tax on the inhabi- 
tants of the sections and communes who possessed any degree of 
fortune, and confiscated the lands, life, and property, of aristocratic 
victims whom they every day sentenced to be guillotined. 

Guadet, and those of the Girondists readers who made their 
escape, fled to Normandy, where a counter-revolution had been 
formed, and an assembly called together, known by the name 
of the " Central Asserabiy of Resistance against Oppression" 
To this assembly all those who had successfully accomplished 
their flight were admitted ; and an address was drawn up, in 
which an immediate march on Paris was recommended, to free 
the capital and Convention from tlie yoke of its tyrants. Assistance 
was offered to those citizens of Paris who should feel desirous of 
aiding them, and a small force of Norman and Breton volunteers 
were collected. Unfortunately, the provincial forces were met by their 
adversary, and totally defeated near Vernon ; and Guadet, Barbaroux,- 
and tlieir friends, were, in consequence, obhged to seek further safety 
in flight. They joined a Breton battalion of volunteers, and 



298 LES GIRONDINS. 

marched into that province, disguised in the dress of soldiers, 
after a time quiting their military friends and making the best of their 
way to Bordeaux. After a most adventurous journey, full of the 
strangest incidents, they reached the sea coast, where they di- 
vided into two parties, one starting for Brest, under Guadet, 
the other making for another port in Bretagne, and thence in 
safety to the Gironde. Here our friends found affairs much 
changed, though they were for a short time supported by the 
municipality and officials of the city of Bordeaux. Commis- 
sioners were, however, soon sent after them by the Convention, 
who cajoled and intimidated the mob, and stopped all the con- 
voys of corn and other provisions from entering the town. Thus 
the municipality found it necessary to resign tJieir places to men who 
were under the control of the Convention j and Guadet, Petion, 
Barbaroux, Salle, Buzot, and Louvet, found it necessary to fly to 
Guadet^s paternal home, at St. Emilion. This locality our author 
describes as one of great beauty, situated on an eminence, and 
surrounded by an old wall and battlements, now a mass of crumbling 
ruins. Its old fosse, several feet in depth, was excavated out of 
the natural rock. Most of its inhabitants being quarrymen, they 
spent a considerable part of their time underground, in strange 
galleries, which, at the time we are describing, served as good 
hiding places for fugitives. The house of Guadet the elder possessed 
many of these secret passages or cells, in which a man might hide 
with impunity from the most vigilant pursuer. Our author tells us 
that his grandfather was a grave old man of seventy, who had 
acquired the respect of his neighbours by his able and exemplary 
discharge of the duties of mayor, and one who was implicitly obeyed 
by his sons and family. He, together with a younger son, who had 
served in the republican armies on the Rhine, and had resigned his 
commission as lieutenant, on hearing of the events of the 10th of 
August, received the five Girondin chiefs, and concealed them by 
day in a souterrain, behind the house; removing them at night to 
a secluded chamber. In this manner they existed, undiscovered, 
though not unsuspected by the revolutionary authorities around 
them, for a considerable period. 

We are now called upon by M. Guadet to revisit Paris, His 
narrative at this point is more like a disjointed novel or drama, than 
a fair statement of historical events, as we have continually to 
journey backwards and forwards between Paris, Bordeaux, and St. 
Emilion ; and to witness the most heart-rending pictures. 

Yerginaud, Gensonne, and those leaders of the party who had 
chosen to remain in Paris, were brought to trial before the Conven- 
tion, to whom a report of their crimes, drawn up by the Committee 



LES GIRONDINS. 299 

of Public Safety, was read by the President, and various witnesses 
produced in support of tlie accusations. It may, however, be called 
a mock trial, as, although these unfortunate men were allowed to 
defend themselves against their accusers, their death had been long 
before determined on. They were tortured for three hours, during 
which the Convention went through the formality of discussing and 
voting on the sentence, and were then recalled, and condemned to 
death, their execution being carried into effect within a few hours of 
the verdict. Our author goes on to describe the suffering of Madame 
Roland, and her untimely end ; passing a long eulogium on her 
character for firmness and courage, by reprinting some of her most 
touching compositions. Her husband did not long survive her cruel 
fate, and perished by his own hand. 

Retribution now seemed to be falling on the heads of some of 
the Jacobins, as from this period they became victims to their 
own jealousy, cruelty, and ambition. Marat had been murdered, 
and Robespierre and Danton now governed the country with despotic 
rule, and subdued every part of Prance to their control. Bordeaux 
shared the fate of other cities, and numbers of victims were sent 
every day to the scaffold. Danton, however, at length became the 
victim of Robespierre, who then reigned supreme, Emissaries of 
the Convention were sent throughout the country ; though Robes- 
pierre trusted none but his own confidential agents, one of whom he 
despatched to Bordeaux, who there obtained supreme power 
for his master. An active search was set on foot for the five 
deputies who had escaped, and who were supposed to be lurking in 
the house of Guadet senior, at St. EmiHon, After a most rigid 
inspection of the houses and souterrain, Guadet and Louvet were 
captured. The other three had parted from their companions and 
sought safety in flight. 

Guadet, Louvet, Guadet pere, and the other members of 
the Guadet family, with the exception of the author's father, 
were, after most unheard-of sufferings and privations, brought 
to trial before the repubhcau tribunal at Bordeaux, and condemned 
to death, their severe sentence being carried out with barbarous 
haste. Of the other members of this once powerful party, two 
were executed, and Barbaroux defeated the object of his assassins 
by committing suicide. 

We are free to own that on the whole, however. Monsieur J. 
Guadet's History of " Les Girondins " is in many respects the 
clearest and most ample account we have yet seen of the political 
parties in Prance during the Prench Revolution. Differing as 
we do from the author in many respects, we yet consider his 
book as worthy of a place in every historical library of Europe. 



300 LES GIRONDINS. 

It is true, we think that he has misunderstood the character of 
Louis XVI, from his too great partiality for the doings of his 
uncle's party. But, notwithstanding this error, his history of the 
early revolntion, extending from 1789 to '94, displays that careful 
research and clear arrangement for which our author is remarkable. 
He has given us much that is new ; he has been able to convey 
a full and touching picture of the different characters of the greatest 
actors of the time ; he has described, by numerous and extensive 
quotations from the public speeches of these men, as well as from 
their memoirs and letters, their private and public acts ; and he has 
been in many points impartial, considering his education, his 
connections, and his political bias. His facts are generally correct ; 
and the excuses he is called upon to advance for his party are 
always plausible, having constantly before his eyes the laudable 
desire of shielding a dear and eminent relative from the blame of 
hostile writers, and the judgment of posterity. 

In perusing this work, wie should advise our readers to bear in 
mind that our author is entitled to indulgence for his partiality, 
while relating the actions, the difficulties, and the unjust and 
ignominious death of his illustrious, though unfortunate family. 
It would have been easy to give a more exaggerated account of the 
atrocities committed by the Jacobins, and to draw a more highly 
coloured picture of tlie King's conduct, and his royalist friends. 
To praise success is always easy ; but to record the doings of an 
unsuccessful party, whose conduct has hitherto been overrated by 
its friends, and improperly condemned by its enemies, is a task 
requiring firmness and an honest judgment ; and Monsieur J. Guadet, 
by til e possession -t)f these qualities, has added to a well-deserved 
historical reputation. 



MADAME EECAMIER. 



MADAME RECAMIER* 



Much of European history has been derived from two principal 
sources : monkish tradition, and such memoirs as great politicians, 
generals, or distinguished men of letters, have left behind them. 
Thus the history of the early Saxon princes of England has 
been written by Alcuin, St. Swithen, Asser, and others ; whilst the 
letters of Pope Silvester II have contributed much towards the 
history of the latter end of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh 
century ; for as a priest, he threw great light upon the life and tradi- 
tion of those days ; and, as a great statesman and prince, he held a 
correspondence with all the crowned heads of Europe. 

After that time, the troubadours,t or wandering minstrels, be- 
came the chief chroniclers of heroic deeds, and exercised a vast 
influence over the literature of Europe, by giving birth to the bases 
of modern poetry. 

By means of the monkish historians of the twelfth and two 
following centuries, the writings and letters of John Scotus, Thomas 
Aquinas, who died on his way to the Council of Lyons, 1274, and 
the rest of the schoolmen, together with the efforts of the chief 
literary, scientific, legal, and historical penmen of those days, 
we have a clear notion of the progress of historical events up to 
the beginning of the fourteenth century ; at which period there 
dawns upon us a fresh era in historical research, through the letters 
of Petrarch and Boccachio, and the labours of the Sarbonne. 

In the fifteenth century, we meet with an entirely new class of 
writers, both on history and general literature; who are tolerably 
accurate narrators of facts ; and for the first time approach a set 
of men who treat history as a political school of precedents, in the 
which to learn the art of government. Thus there is, perhaps, no 
more philosophical writer in history and politics than the celebrated 
Plorentine, Machiavelli, whose conclusions, though sometimes dan- 
gerous, are by no means so unprincipled as modern critics would 
have us believe. 

In Prance, during this fifteenth century, we have the first 
example of a class of Historical Biographies, for which Prench 



* Souvenirs et Correspoudance tire des papiers de Madame Eecamier. 2 vols. 
Paris : Michael Levy, Freres, Eue Vivienne, 2 bis. Jeffs, Burlington Arcade. 

f Histoire litteraire des Troubadours, contenant leurs vies, extraits de leura 
pieces, et lea moeurs, usages, et histoire du 12« et 13*= Siecles : — 3 vols. Paris, 1772. 



304 MADAME EECAMIER. 

literature has since become famous. The Memoirs of the celebrated 
Philippe de Commines,"^ who figured in the service of Charles the 
Bold of Burgundy, and afterwards in that of Louis XI of Prance, 
offer the best information concerning those times. Again, the 
Memoirs of the Lady of Beaujeu, daughter of Louis XI, and Regent 
during the minority of her brother, Charles VIII, furnishes much of 
the material for a history of her siecle. The events of the reigns 
of Louis XII and Francis I have not been portrayed by any of 
the friends or cotemporaries of those monarch s; and, indeed, 
there are few private memoirs of any note until the time of Henry 
IV of Prance, unless we choose to consider the letters of Granvelle, 
the celebrated minister of Philip II of Spain, as a Prench work. 
He could not well be called a Prenchraan, being born at Besan^on 
in Pranche Comte, and being still further, by office, a foreigner. 
Prench was, however, the language in which his It tters were written ; 
and his native country, although possessed by the house of Austria 
through their connection, with the house of Burgundy, was never- 
theless considered more as a Prench than a Plemish or German 
province. There are several minor memoirs to be met with during 
this period ; but the letters of Granvellef to the chief statesmen and 
men of rank throughout Europe furnish the most considerable inform- 
ation on the history of those times, both in Prance and elsewhere. 
Their value having been acknowledged by such men as Guizot 
and Prescott, they necessarily pass as the best detailed account 
of the early doings of the reign of Philip II, and of the struggles 
between Cathohcs and Protestants during the reigns of Prancis 
II and Charles IX. The Due de Sully, in his Memoirs, J gives 
a narrative of the Prench civil wars during the three reigns of 
Prancis II, Charles IX, and Henry III ; and further describes the 
court and policy of his celebrated master, Henry IV. There are 
many works which treat of the turbulent times of Louis XIII ; but 
none so effectually portray the actual condition of Prance as the 
Memoirs of the famous Cardinal de Richelieu, § in whose days Prance 
first became a great military power. The designs of this great 
minister were so vast, that they brought his country in connection 
with nearly every other state of Europe. It is a sad pity that his 
correspondence has never been published ; and, as Mr. James 



* Memoires, enrichis de notes et de figures, de Philippe de Commines, par Nic 
Lenglet du Fresnoy. 4 vols. 1747. 

t Memoires de Granvelle, et Correspondance de PMlip II. Papiers d'Etat 
d'apres les Mss. de la biblotheque de Besanfon, publies sous la direction de M. C. 
"Weiss, tome i a ix — dans I'Histoire de France, 1841-50. 

j Memoires du Due de Sully. Paris : Etienne Ledout, Eue Grenegaud, No. 9, 

§ Memoires du Cardinal Due de Richelieu, par Aubery. 2 vols. 1660. 



MADAME llECAMIER. 305 

well remarks, when speaking of the mystery of the iron mask, in his 
Life of Louis XIV, "a collection of the correspoiulence of the 
ministers during the reigns of Louis XIII, XIV, and XV, drawn 
up by some intelligent French statesman, would go far towards 
clearing up this and many other French enigmas/' The history of 
the reign of Louis XIII is further unfolded by the Chamberlain of 
his much-persecuted Queen, Ann of Austria; and a good insight is 
afforded into the intrigues carried on against her by the Cardinal de 
Bichelieu himself, which has again furnished Mr, James with the 
foundation for one of his best novels, " The Woodman," and with 
much of the frame-work for his life of Louis XIV. 

In the Grand Monarch's reign, the longest in Prance, we have 
in the memoirs, letters, and other kinds of historical literature — an 
"embarras de ri chesses." During the minority of Louis XIV, and 
the troublous days of the Fronde, the sp:^rkling and witty accounts 
of the Cardinal de Eetz"^, who was himself the chief leader of that 
popular movement, stand unparalleled ; whilst the easily written and 
equally interesting Memoirs and Letters of Madame de Montespan, 
De Sevigny, and De Maintenon,t touch on the more domestic 
phases of the history of their time. Saint Simon J also gives an ac- 
curate resume of the wars and court intrigues of the latter part of 
Louis XIV's reign, and well ridicules the pompous ceremonies which 
that monarch so often indulged in. 

The early life and times of Louis XV have been well narrated by 
the famous Due de Berwick, who, though a natural son of tlie un- 
fortunate James II, and born in England, is, nevertheless, considered 
a Frenchman by historians. 

Montesquieu§, tlie celebrated jurist, has also left ample informa- 
tion of this period, brimful of interesting details, relating both to 
its history, laws, and literature ; whilst the letters and corres- 
pondence of the Due de Choiseul,^ both with men of letters and 
statesmen of his day, form a good historical record of the latter 
part of his reign. " Voltaire's " Siecle de Louis XV," although not, 
strictly speaking, a Memoir, might almost be called so, as the 
author was an eye witness of many of the circumstances which he 
relates, and well acquainted witli all the chief political, military, and 

* Pablishcd at Amstordara. 4 vols. 1719. 

t Memoires et Lettres de Madame de Maintenon. lo vols. Hayc, 1757. 

% Memoires complets et authentique du Due de Saint Siiuon, sur le Siecle de 
Louis XIV et La Regence, par M. le Marquis de Saint Simon. Paris : A. Sautelet 
et Cie, Rue de Richelieu, No. 4. 1829, 

§ The (^mplete Works of M. de Montesquieu, transl.ated from the French. 
1777, W. Davis, Piccadilly. 

If Memoires inedits de M. le Due dc Choiseul. Paris: Baudouin, Fr5rcs, Rue 
de Saugeraud. 

R R 



306 MADAME RECAMIER. 

literary characters of that day. The contemporary period of 
Louis the Fifteenth's reign has perhaps been better described by 
Frederick II of Prussia, who wrote in French, and whose Memoirs 
take rank amongst the chief Hterature of Europe, than by any of 
Louis' own subjects. Frederick the Second not only raised his own 
monarchy from a second-rate state to be one of the first powers in 
Europe, but his wars brought him into such close connection with 
nearly every court of Europe, that his Memoirs thus became quite 
as much a history of the times in which he reigned, as a • record of 
his own particular life. 

About this same period, M. le Comte de Segur"^ gives us an in- 
sight into the policy of the French Court in Russia and various other 
countries in which he held diplomatic appointments, and collected 
valuable information as to the character and proceedings of that ex- 
traordinary woman, Catherine II of Eussia. 

The reign of Louis XVI has been fully described by Faucher, in 
his history of Cardinal de Polignac, and those of M. La Fayettef ; 
though the Memoirs of the latter more properly belong to the Revo- 
lution, Several of the Court Ladies have also contributed their 
quota of historical information; whilst the imprisonment of the 
unfortunate King in the Temple has been vividly described by his 
intelligent valefc, CleryJ, who has given us a clear and simple narra- 
tive of the sufferings endured by his master and the rest of the Royal 
Family during those terrible times. 

The days of the Revolution and of the Empire have been re- 
corded by a host of Memoirs. Madame Roland§ has given an account 
of the Girondin party, and of the formation of the Sans-culotte ad- 
ministration, in which she actually directed many of the affairs of 
state. The Memoirs of General Dumourier|| also furnish a good 
account of the early revolutionary wars, in which he himself took so 
prominent a part ; whilst those of the Duke of Orleans, afterwards 
Louis Philippe, supply a link in the history of the Royal Family 
until their restoration in 1815. The Sayings and Doings of 
Mirabeau, edited by Etienne Duraont, one of the revolutionary com- 



* Memoires, ou Souvenirs et Anecdotes de Ph. Comte de Segur. 3 vols. 8vo. 
Paris, 1857. 

t Memoires, Correspondance, et Manuscrits de General La Fayette, publies par 
sa Famille. 3 vols. 1837. 

J Journal de ce qui s'est passe a la Tour du Temple pendant la Captivite de 
Louis XVI, Roi de France ; par Clery. Paris : Femin Dederd, Freres. 

^ § CEuvre de J. _M. Ph. Eoland, femme de I'ex-ministre de I'interieur, des 
memoires et notices historique qu'elle a composer dans sa prison en 1793. Paris : 
Bidault, Rue Serpent, Anne viii. 

II Coup d'CEil Politique sur I'Avenir de la France, par Dumourier. 



MADAME RECAMIER. 307 

mittee, who was appointed to draw up the Declaration of the Eights 
of Man, furnish much information as to the character of those who 
played the principal parts in the revolutionary movements of 1789 
to 1793; and although his work cannot, strictly speaking, be called 
a memoir, yet it partakes of that character^ written as it was by an 
e;ye witness of many of the most starthng events. 

We have again the Memoirs of Touch^, Duke d^Otranto*, who, 
during the early part of the Eevolution was a staunch Jacobin, but 
was subsequently employed by Napoleon, and became his minister 
of Police, and even held the same office for a short time under Louis 
XYIII, with whom he had carried on considerable intrigues during 
the latter years of the Empire ; also the Memoirs of Marmont and 
Soult, as W'ell as the account of the Grande- Armee, by Count Segur,t 
son of the [French Envoy above mentioned. He has given a good 
sketch of the motives which induced Napoleon to undertake this 
difficult enterprise ; and also of the preparations which were made 
previous to the Eussian war. He also describes, in vivid colours, 
the sufl'erings and hardships which the Erench army underwent in 
their retreat from Moscow. But, no doubt, we shall soon have more 
recent revelations as to the whole epoch of the Erench Eevolution, 
and subsequent periods of European history, from the pen of that 
arch diplomatist and intriguer, Talleyrand. In the mean time, we 
must console ourselves with the lively and touching records of Ma- 
dame De StaelJ, M. Guizot§, M. Chateaubriand ||, and other writers, 
who have carried the history of the revolution of Erance down to our 
own times, and have cleared up many of the mysteries which sur- 
rounded the pohcy of that presiding genius of the eighteenth and 
beginning of the nineteenth century, Napoleon Bonaparte. 

Perhaps, of all the host of Erench Memoirs of modern times, no 
one gives us a more thorough sketch of the state of general society 
in Erance, at the close of the last and the opening of the present 
century than Madame Eecamier. Although her volumes abound 
in few stirring incidents, yet they paint the characters of great 



* Meemoirs de Joseph Fouche, Ministre de la Police general. Paris : chez le 
Eouge, Eue St. Andre des Arcs. 2 vols. 

t flistoire de Nnpoleon et de la Grande Armee, pendant 1812, par M. le Gene- 
ral Com te de Segur, Paris; Baiidoin, Freres, 2 vols. 1825. 

X Considerations sur les principaux Evenements de la Eevolution JFran^aise. 

3 vols, par Madame de Stael Memoires. Dix annees d'exil, suivi d'autres 

ouvrages posthumcs. (Paris 1843.) Par Madame de Stael — 16" 

§ Memoires pour servir a I'Histoire de mon Temps, par M. Guizot.— Paris: 
Michel Levy, Frferes, 2, Eue Vivienne. 

II Essai historiquc sur les Eevolutions, 2 vols. Paris, 1835. Par le Vicomtc 
de Chateaubriand. 



30S MADAME EECAMIER, 

historical individuals as one would judge of them in private hfe ; for 
she acquired much of her knowledge of the great public men by 
opening her brilliant salons to such politicians and writers as Guizot, 
Chateaubriand, and La Harpe. The work is full of letters from 
celebrated characters in all ranks of life, the editor having laboured 
hard to screen Madame Eecamier from the accusation of vanity and 
the love of flattery, which her memoirs are likely to elicit from un- 
friendly critics. 

Madame Lenormant, however, fails signally in this respect ; as 
every one, who reads the book must come to the conclusion that 
Madame Eecamier was not only a vain woman, but that she hid 
her real faults under much affected modesty. It is true that she 
possessed sufficient attractions of mind and conversation, and suffi- 
cient personal charms, to render her society agreeable to all who be- 
came acquainted with her, though her panegyrists would make 
us believe that her attractions had equal weight over monarchs, the 
most distinguished generals, the most eminent statesmen and 
writers. Madame Eecamier's origin had nothing to do with her 
brilUant career — her father. Monsieur Bernard, being only a lawyer 
of reputation, at Lyons, who, during the troubles of the Eevolutiou, 
rose to the surface by his industry and intelligence. Madame Ber- 
nard, a woman of great beauty and some talent, gave birth to 
Juliette, the heroine of these Memoirs, in the year 1777. Of her 
early infancy nothing remarkable transpires and we only learn that, 
about the year 1784, her father was appointed to an office in the 
Treasury at Paris, to which city he removed his family, and in which 
Juliette made the acquaintance of, and married, Monsieur Eecamier, 
a wealthy banker. The attachment of this man to his young wife 
rather resembled that of a father to a daughter than the warmer 
feelings which usually exist between the newly married. His wealth 
and importance made his reunions the resort of all the first political 
cliaracters of that period, and the attractions and charms of his 
spouse went far towards rendering his house the most agreeable and 
the most sought after in all Paris. Both Monsieur and Madame 
Eecamier, however, participated in the general gloom and fear which 
was gradually overshadowing French society immediately preceding 
and during the troubled days of the Eevolution and the reign of 
terror. Monsieur was in hourly dread of his bank being plundered 
by the populace, v»'hilst Madame felt her youth and her beauty to 
be no security against ilie arraignment of the revolutionary tribunal, 
imprisonment without a cause, and the guillotine. She, however, 
obtained the protection of Barras, one of the most influential 
Jacobins, and vividly describes the horrors which took place in 
Paris during the bloody period of the Eevolution, having been an eye 



MADAME EECAMIER. 309 

widicss of the procession which accompnuicd the imforiunate Louis 
X'Vl to tlie scaffold. As a thorough royalist^ she of course was 
inveterate against this unjust execution, though at the time she was 
forced to suppress her feelings. "When Barras became director, she 
formed one of that circle of beautiful women who attended his 
Court at the Luxembourg, and was often in close conversation with 
Madame Beauharnais, afterwards the Empress Josephine. Although 
Madame Eecamier tells us that she had much to undergo from the 
Emperor Napoleon I, she avows that she never saw him but twice 
in her life, at both times with pleasurable feelings. The first inter- 
view which she amusingly relates, took place after he had concluded 
his brilliant campaigns in Italy, and when the Directory, in appro- 
bation of his services, gave him a grand military receptioii in the 
Luxembourg. The second time that she saw him was after 
his return from Egypt, on the occasion of a banquet given to the 
Eirst Consul, at which Madame Recamier was present, and where, 
according to her account, Napoleon desired to become better ac- 
quainted with her, and even expressed a wish that she should 
occupy a seat next to him at table. Owing, however, to some 
mistake in the arrangement, the Eirst Consul found himself separated 
from the beautiful young Erenchworaan ; and the only words which 
it seems ever passed between them were in the shape of a reproach — 
" Pourquoi ne vous etes vous pas placee aupres de moi ? Je n^aurai 
pas ose, respondit elle — C'etait votre place. Mais c'etait ce que je 
vous disais avant le diner." Her simple but lady-hke manner 
seems to have made a great impression on all present. 

During this particular period, she was much harassed by the 
advances of Lucien Buonaparte, who, besides the rank of being 
brother to the Eirst Consul, held the important post of President of 
the Senate. This worthy wrote many letters brimful of the most 
ardent and passionate expressions, which she answered withmuch indig- 
nation, first consulting with her husband, to whom she honourably 
confided her position and her course of conduct. Whatever the 
worldly banker might have thought of his wife's propriety, he 
was too prudent to recommend a breach with so influential an ac- 
quaintance as Lucien. He therefore gave his wife the rather ques- 
tionable advice " to bear as long as possible with Lucien's importu- 
nities." The President of the Senate soon found that his addresses 
were only met with coldness, and at length desisted from his 
importunity. 

^Lovers, however, were, even at this early day, very plentiful. 
M. De La Harpe, wdiose learned works on Erench, German, 
Italian, and English Literature, well fitted him for the situation which 
he held as instructor to the Russian Prince, addressed Madame 



310 MADAME RECAMIER. 

Eecamier in the same absurd style as Lucien had previously 
done. Most people would liave considered him as too wise to be 
influenced by the charms of a woman; but he does not seem, 
in this respect to have been exempt from the general faihngs of 
humanity — common to other philosophers and scholars. His 
friendship, however, was of great service to Madame Eecamier 
in many circumstances of difficulty in which she was soon afterwards 
placed. Her father, who held an important situation in the 
Post-Office, had allowed an anonymous and suspicious correspondence 
to pass through it unexamined, which so compromised him with the 
Chouan leaders, that it ultimately led to his arrest on suspicion of 
conspiracy. Madame Eecamier sought to liberate her father at 
an interview with the Pirst Consul, which she endeavoured to 
arrange through Madame Bacciocclii, th^ friend of Monsieur De La 
Harpe. The Princess at once promised an introduction, if Madame 
Eecamier would accompany her to the opera. After the perform- 
ance, she met General Bernadotte, who also proffered his services, 
and finally, not only obtained for her an order to visit the prison in 
which her father was confined, but eventually procured his pardon. 

The arrest of her father, together with that of George Cadoudal 
and her friend Moreau, the suspicious death of Pichegru in prisou, 
and the fatal end of the unfortunate Duke D'Enghein, thoroughly 
alienated Madame Eecamier from the Government of the First Consul ; 
and the exile from Paris, in 1803, of her intimate and personal friend, 
Madame De Stael, still further embittered her. She now became 
a determined Eoyalist, her opinions being still further strength- 
ened by the brothers Montmorency, the elder of whom afterwards 
occupied the important post of Prench Minister at the Eoman Court 
under Louis XYIII. Napoleon, on the other hand, was greatly 
irritated that Madame Eecamier should take an interest in the fate 
of the Eoyalists, and that she should have been present at the trial 
of her friend Moreau. He was still more exasperated that her 
salons should be attended by eminent politicians of his own nation 
and of foreign states of all parties. Indeed, he showed his irritation 
so strongly that Prince Metternich, who was then Austrian Ambas- 
sador at Paris, feared that by attending Madame Eecamier's reunions 
he might injure the relations which then existed between his own 
sovereign and the French Emperor — relations which at that period 
stood on a very dehcate footing. 

Many sovereigns about this time are said to have courted the 
acquaintance of this celebrated French woman; amongst whom 
may be mentioned the King of Bavaria, the Crown Prince of 
"Wurtemburg, and the Grand Duke of Mechlenbourg-Strelitz — 
brother of the unfortunate Queen of Prussia — who all seem, 



MADAME RECAMIER. 311 

according to Madame Lenormant, to have been equally smitten with 
the charms of Madame Eecamier, and, if we are to believe her own 
account, all worshipped at her shrine. 

Napoleon, although he desired to get rid of this influential 
woman, nevertheless sought to propitiate her, and offered her, through 
the Duchesse de Chevreuse, the post of dame d'honneur to the Em- 
press Josephine. He likewise employed his intriguing minister of 
police, Fouch^, Due d'Otranto, to induce her to accept the post, and 
to point out the influence it would give her at court. Fouche soon 
found that such an argument was of small avail. He then tried 
another tack — assured her that he required the assistance of a woman 
of a fine mind and commanding power like herself, to acquire moral 
influence over the Emperor. A.t first, she seems to have hesitated ; 
flattered by such prospects, however, she soon made up her mind to 
refuse all such offers of service to a ruler who had treated her friends 
and relations with cruelty and injustice. 

Napoleon was not, however, discouraged by this refusal, but 
again and again attempted to induce Madame Eecamier to accept 
some post about the court, and finally offered her the place of dame 
d'honneur to Madame Murat. Madame Eecamier, it seems, still 
refused, a course which farther enraged Napoleon against her. 
Many letters are published in this part of the narrative, from 
Moreau, Bernadotte, and Madame De Stael ; the former gives a 
tedious account of his journey to Spain, the kind reception he met 
with there, and his embarkation for the United States of America ; 
whilst Bernadotte's letters are full of admiration and love towards 
his fair countrywomen, written among the engrossing cares of war, 
Madame de Stael's letters contain expressions of equal warmth to 
those of Madame Eecamier's male admirers. About this time Madame 
Eecamier went to England, where she was received with the greatest 
cordiahty, and is said to have formed a generally favourable opinion 
of the English cliaracter. Tlie summer and autumn of 1807 were 
spent at Coppet, near Geneva, with her friend, Madame de Stael, 
where she met with another ardent admirer in the person of Prince 
Augustus of Prussia, who had been wounded and taken prisoner at 
the battle of Jena. Although she pitied his despair, she could not 
encourage his passion. Finding, however, that his love only became 
the more intense, and that he offered her marriage, she at length 
wrote to her husband to request his consent to a divorce, their mar- 
riage having been to all intents and purposes null and void, 
according to the laws of the Catholic church. Monsieur Eecamier 
replied, if it were really her wish, it should be so, but he reminded 
her of his affection since her childhood, and the scandal it would give 
rise to in the polite world. On receiving this letter, she at once 



31^ MADAME EECAMIER. 

abandoned the idea, and returned to Paris without giving notice 
of her departure to Madame de Stael or to Prince Augustus of 
Prussia, and devoted herself assiduously to the society of her 
husband, notwithstanding the many earnest letters which her royal 
lover persisted in writing to her. The Prince again saw her in 
1815, when he entered Paris with the allied armies, and for the last 
time in 1825. 

In 1807, two great misfortumes befel Madame Recamier, the 
death of her mother, and the loss of her husband's fortune. The 
former was a severe trial, as she had always been warmly attached to 
her parent ; whilst the latter was a blow which was more keenly felt 
because unexpected. About this time Napoleon became irritated 
at the consideration shown to Madame Recamier, and the avowed 
correspondence openly carried on between her and his old enemy 
Madame de Stael. He accordingly exiled- Madame Recamier from 
Paris. She took refuge in the town of Chalons-sur-Marne, where 
she was consoled by the letters and the society of Mathieu de 
Montmorency, and others of her friends. Prom Chalons she 
went to Geneva and on to Lyons, where she joined her husband's 
sister, whose daughter, the editor of these memoirs, she adopted as 
her own child, and received from her great support and comfort 
through all her trials. At Lyons she encountered her old 
friend, the Duchess de Chevreuse, who had lost her place at 
Court, and, like herself, had been exiled from Paris. Travelling 
about the country for. the sake of her health, the -unfortunate 
Duchesse had contracted a severe disease, which ultimately termi- 
nated her life. It appears to have been one to which the Prencli 
nation alone is subject — a mixture of mehuicholy and disappointed 
ambition. At Lyons, Madame P^ecamier found, in the person of 
Monsieur Ballanche, one of the most devoted of her admirers ; in 
fact, his attachment could scarcely be called love, in the ordinary 
acceptation of the word, as it approached to idolatry. He was ready 
to sacrifice every consideration without even the hope of being loved 
in return. He was a man of considerable ability, and originally the 
son of a printer ; he devoted himself in moments of leisure to the 
study of poetry, history, and philosophy, and published many works 
on these subjects, so full of learning and research that they acquired 
for him the rank of a Member of the French Academy. According 
to some authorities, he is the best prose writer of his day in Prance ; 
but, like many other authors, has since been forgotten, and probably 
is now only known to the most erudite of Prench scholars. Strange 
are the likings of woman ! as Ballanche's appearance was but little 
calculated to engage the affections of a pretty and fashionable woman, 
like Madame Recamier. He vv-ns much disfigured from the effects of 



MADAME RECAMIEll. 313 

an operation, though liis ugliness was counterbalanced by the bright- 
ness of his eyes, his handsome forehead, and his intelligence, 
Madame Eecamier seems to have overlooked all these defects in his 
personal appearance, and only beheld his devotion. 

In the winter of 1812, Madame Eecamier left Lyons for Italy, 
first visiting Nice, from whence she went to Turin and Florence. 
In the beginning of the year 1813, she arrived at Home, and made 
acquaintance with that most celebrated of modern sculptors, Canova, 
who, together with his brother, the Abbe, received her with the 
greatest respect and cordiality, and offered a house near Albano 
as a summer residence. There the sculptor became so smitten with 
her charms, that he is said to have modelled a bust of Madame 
Eecamier without her being aware of the fact ; indeed, if we are to 
believe our editor, she was so indignant at such a liberty, that 
Canova was obliged to pacify her by declaring he had only used her 
as a friendly model for his celebrated statue of Beatrice. During her 
residence in the states of the church, she received daily information 
of the disasters attendant on the French arms ; and although she bore 
no great love to the Emperor, she felt his reverses as a stain upon the 
national honor. From Rome, Madame Eecamier went to Naples, at 
the beginning of the year 1814. Her journey was rapidly made, 
and Madame Lenormant here tells us that her aunt was rather sur- 
prised to find a number of horses ready for her use. 8he little dreamed 
for whom they were actually prepared. On her arrival, however, at 
theNeapohtan frontier, the mystery was solved. In the hotel where 
she took rest for the night, an indignant voice demanded who had 
dared to rob him of his horses ; she at once recognised the voice of 
her old friend Fouche, Due d'Otranto, whom she had not seen for 
several years, and to whom she at once acknowledged herself the 
culprit. To do the crafty Fouche justice, he was at once appeased, 
and seems to have taken the affair as a good joke. He promised 
to meet her in Naples, to which place he had been despatched by his 
master on urgent affairs. This year of 1814 was a most calamitous 
one to the interest of the Emperor. The allies were now endeavour- 
ing to persuade Murat to oppose his brother-in-law, who, after a 
considerable struggle, yielded to circumstances, and signed the 
convention by which he gave up the monarchy to the Bourbon 
king, provided his own life was guaranteed. King Ferdinand landed 
in Naples after some opposition, and became master of the town, 
though he did not carry out the conditions of this treaty. As is well 
known, Murat was seized, and tried by a military court martial, and 
put to death. During the occurrence of these events, the whole 
kingdom of Naples, as may be supposed, was much agitated, and 
Madame Murat, who was appointed Eegent at Naples during the 

s s 



314 MADAME BECAMIEU. 

absence of her husband, seems to have displayed great administrative 
abihties and vigour of character in her difficult position. During 
Madame Recamier^s residence at Naples, an incident is told of her 
intercession for a criminal, whose death warrant was about to be 
signed by the Eegeut ; and she succeeded in obtaining the pardon 
after a long and earnest appeal. Tliis fact would show, that however 
vain and trifling much of the conduct of Madame Eecamier might 
sometimes appear, yet in truth she possessed many warm and noble 
feelings not common to her class. 

In the early part of 1814, we find her at E-ome, where, as a good 
Catholic, she rejoiced at the return of Pius YII. She saw the Pontiff 
re-enter his capital in triumph, after a long and severe imprisonment ; 
and witnessed with rehgious enthusiasm his performance of the 
ceremonies and devotion at Easter. 

Great changes had taken place in France during Madame 
Eecamier^s tour in Italy; the alhed armies had entered Paris, the 
Emperor had abdicated, and gone to Elba, and Louis XVIII had 
been restored to full rights. Madame Eecamier, as may be well con- 
ceived, did not long remain in Eome, but hastened to return to Paris, 
where her friend Madame de Stael had already arrived. With the 
restoration of the monarchy, a new era, both in society and in politics, 
commenced. In the former, we find Madame Eecamier playing 
a brilliant and important part, and winning for herself the attach- 
ment and admiration of all the celebrated men of letters, politics, and 
arms, with whom she became acquainted. Her old friends, the 
Montmorencys held the first place in her affections. They belonged 
to the old aristocracy who had been so long exiled from Prance, 
ajid of which there were so few good specimens still existing. Their 
resolute loyalty to the monarch and his family throughout all the 
dangers of the revolution, made them, at the restoration, all powerful 
at Court, and most desirable and useful friends to Madame Eeca- 
mier, who seems, with singular good fortune, to have exercised vast 
influence upon three generations of this handsome and accomplished 
race. Madame de Stael also renewed her friendship with her 
old acquaintance, and treated her with greater warmth than ever. 
She had come to Paris, after the fall of Buonaparte, with her son and 
daughter, together with the young officer to whom she had been 
privately married — a fact which was only known to a few of her 
dearest friends. It was Madau;e de Stael who first introduced the 
Duke of Wellington to Madame Eecamier. The simplicity, frank- 
ness, and upright character of the great English general seems to 
have made but a slight impression on the mind of this petted woman 
of fashion. She doubtless expected to receive the same homage 
and flattery from him as she had obtained from other great men. 



MADAME RECAIIIKR. 315 

She was, however, jealous at the preference sliown by him for 
one of his countrywomen, and like a true feinme Eran^aise, shocked 
when the Duke said, *'J'ai bien battue!'^ an expression which 
he made use of on his return from the battle of Waterloo. 
During this period she kept up a close correspondence with lier 
old friend, Madame Murat, whose husband had deserted the cause 
of Napoleon, in 1814, only to return to it with greater devotion 
in 1815. Murat might, like Bernadotte, have been confirmed on 
his throne by the allied sovereigns, had his conduct been more 
prudent. As it was, however, he enraged all parties. The Em- 
peror indignantly refused to see him on his return from Elba ; and 
after Napoleon's final defeat at Waterloo, he was tried by court 
martial, and sentenced to be shot, 

We now find Madame Recamier engaged in correspondence witli 
Benjamin Constant, and commencing that friendship with Chateau- 
briand which was destined to become so warm and so endurable. 
She also sees much of Madame Moreau, wife of the famous General 
of that name, who had been so highly esteemed by Louis XYIII 
that he conferred upon her the extraordinary title of marechale de 
France. 

The Memoirs inform us that, in 1817, Madame de Stael went to 
Italy, with her son and daughter, and that during her sojourn in that 
country, she met with the famous minister of Louis Philippe, le Due 
de Broglie, betweeii whom and her daughter an attachment sprung up 
which ended in marriage. On Madame de Stael's return to Paris in 
1818, she was seized with sudden illness and died. The sad in- 
telligence of this event was communicated by Monsieur Mont- 
morency to Madame Recamier in a letter which is still preserved. 
Madame Recamier, during this period, lived in a house agree- 
ably situated in a iine garden, which M. Chateaubriand has accu- 
rately described in his Memoirs. It appears that she first knew 
this celebrated politician and orator in 1818. His visits soon 
became frequent, and his letters, which abound throughout the 
volumes before us, are full of the warmest and most enthusiastic ex- 
pressions of admiration, as he seems to have made a confidant of 
his fair acquaintance, even in his most private and public affairs. 

Monsieur Recamier about this time endeavoured to restore his 
shattered fortunes, and used the little money which his wife still 
possessed. He, however, failed ; and his wife, who seems to have been 
indignant that her whole fortune should be thus lost in speculations, at 
once demanded a separation, and retired into a monastery near Paris, 
which was then under the direction of the Abbe Le Bois. Her 
seclusion from the world, however, appears to have been more in name 
than reality, something like that of the Emperor Charles V, atYuste; 



316 MADAME RECAMIER. 

for she still continued to receive, and to correspond with, some of the 
most eminent men of the day, attended theatrical performances, 
patronized the then rising Rachel, and was idolized in her own 
immediate circle. Amongst her friends, Chateaubriand and Ballanclie 
of course held the highest place ; the conversation of the foi-mer 
abounding in wit of the most piquant kind, and being full of infor- 
mation on all the principal events of the day. The latter, on the other 
hand, abounded in interesting remarks on historical and philo- 
sophical subjects, which Jie explains with great clearness and 
faciHty. 

After the death of the Due de Berry, a strong ministry had 
been formed in order to put down the conspiracies which were 
everywhere forming against the government of the Bourbons, both 
in France as well as in Spain ; during which, her friend Chateau- 
briand held the post of French Minister at Berlin, and from whence 
he held a long correspondence with her. It is not, however, so inter- 
esting as that which she received from him in his next post, as 
Ambassador at London. In these letters he freely gives his opinions 
on the climate and society of our capital. His desire to assist at the 
Congress at Yerona is also fully established, and he urges Madame 
Eecamier to tell Mathieu de Montmorency "that he would do 
much for the interests of France in sending him or some other 
influential diplomatist to the meeting of the representatives of the 
great powers." 

At length, Montmorency so far gave in as to nominate Chateau- 
briand, conjointly with himself, French Minister at Yerona. Madame 
Becamier's lover, with great joy, at once prepares for his return to 
Paris ; where, after a short interview with her, he continues his route 
to Yerona. Mathieu de Montmorency in the meantime goes to 
Yienna, in order to acquaint himself with the policy likely to be 
pursued by the Austrian and Russian Governments at the Congress, 
and also to make some further arrangements for the meeting of the 
representatives. During his journeying through the Tyrol to Yerona, 
he writes a touching account to Madame Recamier of the death 
of their old acquaintance, Canova. At Yerona, the two representa- 
tives of France employ the greater part of their time in intriguing 
against each other, and both write long letters to their fair country- 
woman, who seems to have lost none of her influence by absence. 
At length negotiations are terminated, and both return to Paris. 
Montmorency, arriving the first, is favourably received by his 
sovereign, who offers him the title of Duke of Yerona. This, 
however, Montmorency refuses, preferring to retain his family 
name. He is then created Due Mathieu Montmorency. His triumph 



MADAME RECAMIER. 317 

over his rival, however, is of short duration; as M. Vellelle and 
Chateaubriand combine against him in the Cabinet, and obb'ge him 
to resign ; the latter receiving the portfolio of foreign affairs. 

Madame Eecamier was much grieved at the dissensions of her two 
private friends, though Madame Lenorraant, our editor, endeavours 
to defend both rivals, by stating that their disputes were prompted 
rather by conscientious religious scruples, than by any feeling of 
ambition or ill-will to each other. Madame Eecamier here appears 
as rather a vain, intriguing, and even dangerous woman ; for it 
seems that she had more influence over the affairs and the advance- 
ment of great public men than could have been expected from a 
woman who was apparently so secluded from the world, and so 
ignorant of politics as she was at this period. The editor, of course, 
thinks that her grief at the disputes of her friends was real; but we 
are inclined to believe, from the published correspondence, that she 
had now become more than partial to Chateaubriand. 

Montmorency and Chateaubriand both continued as warm as 
ever in their feelings towards Madame Eecamier, notwithstanding 
their political disputes; and the letters of both are full of high-, 
flown expressions of love and adoration. One always finds Mont- 
morency, throughout the whole of his correspondence, addressing 
her as "Ma chere et aimable amie,'' whilst his rival, Chateaubriand, 
tells her again and again throughout his troubled period of oflice, 
that although he has much to think of, and still more to do, he 
dreams of her constantly, and is never more pleased than when an 
opportunity offers of writing to, or conversing with her. 

An occurrence took place at the beginning of 1823, which was 
destined not only be a great trial to Madame Eecamier herself, but 
also to cause great sorrow to Chateaubriand, as it removed her from 
his society for a lengthened period. Her niece and adopted child fell 
ill, and Madame Eecamier decided to visit Italy for a second time. 
Both her lovers, of course, regret the necessity of her absence, though 
Montmorency consoles himself with the idea that he shall at least 
spend some days with her in the holy city, at Easter. Monsieur 
Ballanche also arranges to accompany Madame Eecamier, who seems 
to have possessed a most arbitrary influence over the actions and 
destinies of all her admirers. She reached Eome, by way of Turin 
and Florence, and tells us how much changed she found all things 
since her visit, ten years previously. Pius YII was dead, and the 
new Pope, Leo XII, had just been elected, and installed in his 
sacred office. 

If she finds Eome and its rulers changed, she is consoled by 
the presence of her old friend, the Duchess of Devonshire ; whose 
handsome person, amiable and accomplished manners, and liberal 



318 MADAME RECAMTEU. 

encouragement of art^ are now a matter of history ; wliilst the Freucii 
ambassador, Dae Laval de Montmorencj^ receives her with his 
wonted hospitality, and amuses her with liis agreeable conversation. 

Madame Lenormant describes, in touching terras, the death-bed 
of the English Dachess, at which Madame Recamier and the Due 
Laval were present, and rendered all the comfort and consolation so 
requisite at such a moment. Besides these great friends, Madame 
Eecamier was surrounded by a host of the leading French artists 
then resident in Eo me ; among whom Gaerin and Leopold Eobert, 
men of two very opposite characters, seem to have engrossed her 
attention. The former was lively in conversation, a man of the 
world, as well as a great artist ; whilst the latter had nothing attrac- 
tive in his manner, and required a long acquaintance before he 
could be appreciated. 

A very pretty episode took place during Madame Recamier's 
stay in Rome, in the way of Roman Catholic conversion. Her maid, 
who was a Swiss and a Protestant, and who had married a French- 
man, became seriously ill. Madame Recamier fearing that, in the 
event of her decease, she could neither expect religious consolation 
nor a Christian burial in Rome, became truly grieved at so sad a 
position of affairs, and looked around for a priesfc who might con- 
vince the stubborn maid of the errors of the Reformed churcli. 
There lived at Rome a certain Abbe, Due de Rohan Chabot ; a man 
of handsome person, and persuasive conversation, who had formerly 
been a soldier in the French army, and had filled important posts in 
the Emperor Napoleon's household. His wife having been burned 
to death by accident, his sorrow for her loss was so great that it 
induced him to sacrifice all his dignities and offices to enter the 
church, in which he had now attained the rank of Monsignore. He 
visited the sick woman, and not only converted her, but even re- 
stored her to health. 

The Queen Hortense and Madame Recamjer, after a separation 
of ten years, met again in Rome, Fearing, however, that the French 
ambassador would object to the acquaintance, she arranged a 
number of secret interviews between the Queen and herself, at 
picture galleries, or at the Coliseum. It was at one of these inter- 
views that the Queen poured forth her sad tale of the harsh reception 
she had met with from the Emperor, on his return from Elba, for 
having accepted for herself and her children an asylum in France at 
the hands of the Bourbons, This touching account is not only well 
written, but merits the perusal of historians. The last meeting 
between Matlame Recamier and this remarkable woman was as 
curious as it was romantic ; it took place at a masked ball, where 
both ladies wore the same-coloured dominos. It was thus a matter 



MADAME EECAMIER. 319 

of difficulty to distinguish one from the other. Madame Eecamier 
amused herself by visiting the boxes of the various members of the 
Bonaparte family in Rome, whilst the Queen passed herself off as her 
friend amongst the members of the French Embassy and the rest of 
the diplomatic body ; from whom she obtained such information as 
she could never otherwise have acquired. 

Madame Eecamier then returned to Paris, after another short 
visit to Naples. 

We cannot here give further details of the life of this extra- 
ordinary woman, or a full account of the influences she seems to 
have exercised over the great literary men of the day. It will be a 
a wonder to those who read her second volume, how Chateaubriand 
and Laval de Montmorency could have found time to write so many 
letters ; and to find that, in spite of many friends and her brilliant 
position in society, she was visited at this period by as great trials 
as she had ever laboured under in the days of the Eevolution or 
the Empire. She lost what little fortune she had saved, and became 
totally blind. Previous to the last of these calamities falling upon 
her, she seems to have devoted herself to cheering the latter days of 
that brilliant ennuye, Chateaubriand, whose vanity and selfislmesa 
were not atoned for by the refinement of his mind. Eminent as a 
statesman and man of letters, he possessed sufficient genius to com- 
mand and attain any object of ambition, though he lacked that 
resolution and steadiness of purpose which, even amongst lively 
Erenchmen, is a requisite necessary for the head of a government. 
It was just this want of firmness which made him rather the 
brilliant leader of opposition, than the able chief of a powerful 
cabinet, and which rendered him negative in private life. It is 
difficult to conceive how so vain, so indifferent, and so selfish a 
character, could attract a woman of Madame Eecamier's charms and 
tact ; for her keen penetration must at once have detected the weak 
points in his character. Slie, however, like many other eminent 
persons, was dazzled with his brilliant talents and the charms of his 
witty conversation. 

She seems to have borne with resignation the loss of sight, though 
it greatly added -to her trials during her latter days. This was, 
however, somewhat alleviated by her love of music, the talent for 
which she still seems to have retained ; nor does she appear even to 
have lost those personal charms which made her so attractive in her 
younger and best days. Throughout the evening of her life she 
sadly regretted the overtlirow of that Eoyal Family to which she 
was so strongly attached. About 1836, Madame Eecamier first 
began to suffer from a want of sight, her general health being still 
more injured by the successive deaths of her three friends, Laval 



320 MADAME EECAMIEE. 

de Montmorency, Chateaubriand, and Ballanche ; the last of whom 
had been a tender and most devoted companion throughout all her 
trials. Madame Recamier was seized, in the year 1849, with cholera, 
a disease which she had much feared. Her relative. Dr. Recamier, 
and the other celebrated physicians, whose opinions were taken on 
her case, after using their best efforts, considered her state as hope- 
less, and she expired on the 12th of May, 1849. 

Ten years have elapsed since her death, and few of those who 
remembered her in all her pristine glory now remain. It is this fact 
which has induced Madame Lenormant to collect and publish those 
Memoirs and Correspondence which will hand her name down to 
posterity. Whatever the faults of Madame Recamier's character 
might have been, the history of her life is peculiarly that of French 
society of the latter part of the eighteenth century; whilst her 
letters and memoirs make us acquainted with many of the leading 
characters of her epoch, nowhere else so well and truly described. 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. 



T T 



MADAME DE CATLUS * 



There are some periods of history in which Trance has been 
formidable to her neighbours by successful inroads on their territories, 
and by outshining Europe in letters, arts, or sciences. These suc- 
cesses, although chiefly to be attributed to the characters of her 
rulers, may, nevertheless, be accounted for in other ways. Thus, in 
Charlemagne's reign, which forms tl\e first of these periods, the vast 
empire as much depended on the general anarchy, barbarism, and 
want of strength of her enemies, as the vigour, energy, and determi- 
nation of her own monarch ; and, although all Charlemagne's adver- 
saries were individually brave, none of them possessed the organiza- 
tion or the spirit sufficient to resist the invasions of so able a prince 
as the founder of the Carlovingian line, whose ambition was aided by 
the superstition of the age in which he lived, and by the fact of his 
supporting the spiritual head of the church against both his rehgious 
and his temporal enemies. This great prince was enabled to arrest 
for a while the barbarism and disorder of his age, and to lay a foun- 
dation for future rulers to build a firm government, and by means of 
which civilization could be firmly planted, schools established, and 
encouragement given to the few men of letters who lived in those 
troublous times. 

The next epoch is one more definitively described by the historian, 
and in all respects more brilliant, for France never before obtained 
such influence as in the days of Louis XIV. If success attended her 
arms abroad, her internal administration was, if possible, more pros- 
perous than in any other period of her history ; whilst the country 
became renowned for the great writers it produced. This glory and 
prosperity were as much to be ascribed to the circumstances of the 
times, as to the character of the monarch who then ruled France ; 
whose merits and defects have occupied the pens of the most cele- 



Les Souvenirs de Madame de Caylus. Nouvelle Edition. Paris : J. Technccr. 



324 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

brated writers. It liad always been tlie aim of Frencli mouarclis, for 
more than a century previous to the time of Louis XIV, to lessen the 
preponderating influence of the house of Austria ; and no state in 
Europe was either sufficiently strong, or had any interest, to oppose 
its schemes, though I'rancis I and Henry IV had fruitlessly endea- 
voured to diminisli its power. It was, however, weakened partly by 
the division of its territories between the German and Spanish branches 
of the family, and partly by the long and bloody contest which had 
endured in Germany for thirty years, between Catholics and Protest- 
ants, and in which nearly every power in Europe had been engaged ; 
whilst, at a later period, the house of Bourbon rose to power, and 
was feared by the rest of Europe. In Prance itself, the glories of 
Louis XIV had been ushered in by the able administration of the 
Due de Sully and Henry IV, both of whom had striven to place the 
finances in order, and to give vigour to the struggles of the country, 
by inaugurating a long peace. Again, the power of the monarchy 
was still further strengthened, during the days of Louis XIII, by 
the determined manner in which Cardinal de Eichelieu opposed all 
attempts on the part of the Protestants and the nobles to acquire 
power. Thus he thoroughly subdued their influence, and rendered 
them so subservient to the crown, that the sovereign was left with 
his hands unshackled, to undertake any enterprise, at liome or abroad, 
which might suit his caprice. Louis XIV throughout his whole 
reign possessed absolute power, with the single exception of the 
troublous days of the Pronde. Though, fortunately for him, his 
minister had acquired an overwhelming influence over his mind, by 
a knowledge of the art of government, and the mode of conducting 
foreign affairs. Thus Mazarin was fully able to detect and cope with 
the undecided aims and efforts of the different fickle leaders who 
conducted the Pronde. 

It is well known that great varieties of opinion existed in Prance 
as to the character of the king. Some thought him idle, luxurious, 
and frivolous, only intent on pleasure and show ; whilst others con- 
sidered him a cruel and selfish tyrant, desirous of advancing his own 
ends, and caring little for the prosperity and welfare of his sub- 
jects. Another party, and by far the largest, looked upon him as a 
really great monarch, capable of originating and carrying out 
grand designs; a generous and warm-hearted friend, who was 
always ready to forward the interests of those who surrounded 
him and were devoted to his service. In all these opinions there 
is something of truth. Those who regard Louis XIV as influ- 
enced by bis mistresses, and as one of the most ceremonious 
monarchs in Europe, have full reason for styling him "a tri- 
vial and insignificant prince." Those who judge of his conduct 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. 325 

towards the Protestants, and in the matter of the Iron Mask, have 
good grounds for their epithet — "a dark and cruel tyrant;" whilst 
those who remember his treatment of the unfortunate house of 
Stuart, his general kindness towards his friends and followers, and 
the generous way in which he was always ready to assist them in their 
difficulties, either by money or promotion, his close application to 
business, his thorough knowledge of foreign affairs, his able manner 
in conducting negotiations, and, above all, his admirable selection 
of ministers and generals, cannot but conclude that he was an able 
prince, a generous man, and one who had fully earned the title, 
bestowed upon him by his subjects, of " le Grand." 

We cannot but blame the faults of Louis XIV's character, though 
we must admit that most of them were tempered by great penetra- 
tion and sagacity, and a thorough knowledge of the character of the 
nation over wliom he was called to rule. The influence and power 
of his mistresses tended to weaken his character ; though they were 
mostly women of great ability, and never acquired the injurious 
power of a PompaJour or a Du Barry. No monarch knew better 
than Louis XIV how to appreciate talent in his councillors, and how 
to tolerate them when their advice was distasteful. Willi regard to 
the pomp and ceremony of his court, it may be remarked that, 
although it appeared insignificant and trivial in its character, it was, 
nevertheless, well suited to the tastes of the French, who were fond 
of pleasure and change, and could appreciate splendour and love of 
shovv in their princes better than more sterling qualities. It is true 
tliat his ambitious wars exhausted the country, and that they closed 
in disaster ; nevertheless they were politic in their way, as tiiey 
blended the glory of the nation with the King's own interest, and 
strengthened the absolute power of the crown. 

The great blot in the reign of Louis XIV, and the most difficult 
to excuse, is his sad persecution of the Protestants. It seems hardly 
consistent with his character as an able monarch, that he should 
illtreat and drive away thousands of innocent and unoflending sub- 
jects, who by their industry and ingenuity enriched the commerce 
and manufactures of the country ; and that he should deprive the 
army of many a brave soldier and able general, only to root out a 
creed to which his own opinions were opposed, and establish uni- 
formity in religion as well as in government. Poolish, however, as 
such a policy may appear, we ought not to be too hasty in our blame. 
Ever since the commencement of the Reformation, it should be re- 
membered that religion and politics had gone hand in hand ; that 
Protestants were usually the supporters of liberal opinions through- 
out Europe, whilst the Catholics everywhere naturally combined with 
the arbitrary power of the crown, in order to prevent the decay of 



326 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

their own influence — that Louis XIV, in persecuting the Protestants, 
only carried out that bigoted spirit of the age which often existed in 
Protestant and in Catholic countries. The Dutch authorities did 
not treat those who opposed their Calvinistic opinions with more 
leniency than the French monarch did those of his subjects who dif- 
fered with him on religious matters ; whilst readers of EngHsh history 
are well aware of the cruelties exercised by Charles II on the Scots, 
because they resisted the attempt to establish Episcopacy in that 
country. In all probability Louis XIV still feared the power of 
those Protestants who had proved dangerous in his father's reigiij and 
had only been kept down by the strong hand of Eichelieu, when he 
deprived them of all their fortresses, after the successful termination 
of the siege of Rochelle. Although the Protestants were by these 
means somewhat subdued, they were yet formidable ; they held an 
equal right with the CathoHcs to all posts of trust and honour in 
the state ; and long before Louis had ventured on so bold a measure 
as the revocation of the edict of Nantes, wliich conferred upon them 
these privileges, he always endeavoured, as far as lay in his power, 
to diminish the influence of the Protestants, by converting the ablest 
amongst them to the Catholic religion, and thereby lessening the in- 
fluence of their leaders. 

As we have already remarked, one striking feature of Louis' 
character showed itself in his able selection of generals and statesmen. 
Pew monarchs ever had such ministers as Colbert and Louvois, in 
finance and war. Colbert was the man who made the French nearly 
as powerful as the Dutch in India, by the establishment of the 
French East Indian Company ; whilst to the latter is owing the great 
success of the French wars at the early portion of Louis XVI's reign. 
No army, excepting in the days of the empire and the revolution, 
was ever commanded by such leaders as Conde, Turenne, Luxem- 
bourg, Catinat, Berwick, Vendome, Bouffleurs, and Villeroy ; and 
no court was ever surrounded by so brilliant an array of literary and 
scientific men. This epocli also seems to have been prolific of men 
great in arts, science, and literature ; and Louis XIV, with his usual 
discernment, held out to- them the most liberal encouragement. 
There were no names before this period to equal in science Descartes 
and Buffon ; to compete in theology with Bossuet ; in sarcasm and 
description of character with Eochefoucauld and La Bruyere ; in 
poetry with Racine, Moliere, Cornc^ille, and Boileau ; and no writers 
excelled Madame de Sevigne and Pascal in their letters ; Fenelon, or 
Le Sage, in romance ; La Fontaine in fables ; Madame de Maintenon, 
Montespan, Saint Simon, and a host of others too numerous to 
mention, in the memoirs of their times. 

One would have thought that every particular of Louis XIV's 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. 327 

reign had been long ago exhausted. It appears, however, that 
there are still some memoirs which have only just merged into light, 
and which are interesting, from the extreme veracity with which 
they are written, and the amusing facts which they relate. Amongst 
works of this kind, "The Souvenirs of Madame de Caylus" holds 
a prominent place. She was niece to Madame de Maintenon, was 
thoroughly acquainted with all the intrigues and doings of Louis 
XIV's court, and had ample means of gaining correct information. 
In the volume before us we are treated with a long preface from the 
editor, in which it appears that the work was first published in 1777, 
under the editorship of Voltaire, that it was again reprinted in 1804, 
and 1&33 ; but that it afterwards became a " rara avis," probably 
being bought up and withdrawn from circulation. Yoltaire's preface, 
which is preserved in full, passes a high eulogium on the modesty 
and candour of Madame de Caylus ; and further lavishes great praise 
on the character of the Grand Monarch, his military successes, and 
the brilliant writers who lived during his reign. We are then 
treated to an explanation of the motives which induced Madame de 
Caylus to collect these souvenirs, which are in fact " Memoirs of 
her own Times.'' 

Her position at the palace, and her near relationship with 
Madame de Maintenon, led her to devote the early pages of her 
souvenirs to a history of the family of that great favourite. It ap- 
pears that Mons. Theodore Agrippa D'Aubigne, the grandfather of 
Madame de Maintenon, was a Protestant, and a stout follower of 
Henry IV ; that, after having supported him in all his battles, and 
seen him firmly seated on the French throne, he retired to his 
estates in the south of France, lived a secluded life, married, and 
had three children, two of whom were girls ; whilst his only son 
became the father of Madame de Maintenon. 

VV"e are briefly told of Mademoiselle D'Aubigne's conversion to 
Cathohcism, at the instigation of Madame de Neuillan, and of her 
subsequent marriage with the poor poet, Scarron, who had nothing 
but a literary reputation to offer. This brought Madame Scarron 
into a circle of illustrious savans, through whom she was introduced 
to the notice of Madame de Montespan, whose power was then at its 
height. The king at this period had five natural children by Madame 
de Montespan, and it was deemed desirable that they should be re- 
moved from the court, and brought up in the seclusion of a country 
house, where, hid from the notice of the world, they might be 
educated by persons of good sense and morals. Madame 
de Montespan soon discovered in Madame Scarron the person 
she was seeking, and offered a post which was gladly accepted. 
Of course Madame de Caylus does not hint at the possibility 



328 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

of the ulterior views of Madame Scarroii, or of the probability 
of her gaining a footing at court, or an influence over the monarch. 
But if our reader turns to any good life of Louis XIV, he will there 
find many extracts from Madame Scarron's journal in 1660, in 
w^hich she describes the monarch's triumphal entry into Paris, when 
he took the reins of government into his own hands, how she was 
not only struck with the regal pomp of the sovereign, but more par- 
ticularly with the beauty of his person, and the grace and dignity of 
his manner. It is thus not at all improbable that her strong mind 
may have planned the scheme for future influence over the king, if 
any means should occur of approaching his person. There is no 
doubt, therefore, that she looked upon this favourable opportunity 
as the first step on the ladder of fame. 

Madame de Caylus gives us many interesting details of the children 
of Madame de Montespan, derived from her aunt. Tiie Due de Maine, 
the eldest, already gave promise of those talents and tliat handsome 
person for which he was afterwards so distinguished, and which, with 
a little more, energy and courage, would have made him a really 
eminent man. He was, however, a striking historical example, illus- 
trating Dr. Arnold's remarks, " that success in life depends upon the 
use made of talent ; abihty being of small avail, unless combined with 
resolution of character.'' The other children were the Comte de 
Vexin, Mesdemoiselles de Nantes et de Tours, and an eldest son 
who died during youth. Madame de Montespan soon lost her 
influence over the king, and it was several years before she gave 
birth to any more royal children. This was a matter of such grief 
and annoyance, that it injured both her health and her appear- 
ance. Her power with the king, if we are to believe Madame de 
Caylus, was rather owing to her intellectual qualities, than to her 
personal charms, in which she was as much superior to her predecessor, 
Madame La YaUiere, as Madame de Maintenon was to Madame 
Montespan. At length, to her inexpressible joy, she gave birth to 
two children — the Count de Toulouse, and Mademoiselle de Blois ; 
and thus for a time regained her influence. These two children, we 
are told, were early remarkable for their beauty ; the latter was 
afterwards Duchess of Orleans, and carried on those intrigues which 
our authoress improperly drags to light at a later period of her 
Memoirs. Here she strongly protests against the treatment which 
Madame La Valliere underwent at the hands of both Louis XIV 
and Madame de Montespan, when her influence was declining at 
court.- Although Madame de Caylus declares that she does not feel 
bound to give a history of every one of the king's mistresses, slic 
nevertheless considers that the sufferings inflicted on this unfortunate 
lady were most cruel and unjustifiable, that she could thoroughly under- 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. ;3:29 

stand the feelings which drove La Valiiere to exclaim, " Qaand j'aurai 
de la peine aux Cannehtes, je rae souviendrai de ce que ccs gous-la 
m'out fait soiifFrir" (meaning the king and Montespan). The farewell 
between the king and Valiiere is as touching on her part, as it is 
indifferent on his. Whatever may have been the faults of this un- 
fortunate woman, her influence was beneficial to France ; as she was 
the great supporter of that able financial minister and friend of 
the Protestants, Colbert. 

During all these intrigues of Louis XIV's mistresses, the Queen 
was living at court, devoted to her husband ; and, what is more 
extraordinary still, she seems to have been indifferent to the 
power acquired over him by Madame La Valiiere and Madame 
de Montespan. A daughter of Philip IV of Spain (and, like all the 
rest of the house of Austria, a bigoted Catholic), she seems to have 
had but two objects of adoration — her religion and her king. An 
anecdote is related by her confessor, which proves her attachment to 
Louis XIV. On enquiry whether she had ever felt an attachment 
towards the cavaliers who frequented her father's court, she answered : 
" There was nobody equal in person or mind to Louis XIV." It 
must have been very agreeable to possess such a wife, on whom the 
better qualities of his character and person had made so favourable 
an impression, and who was so indifferent to his love bestowed else- 
where. 

Madame de Caylus has done well to style these writings of hers 
Souvenirs, instead of Memoirs, as they are written with little 
regard to order; for were they the only annals of Louis XIV's 
private doings, they would puzzle the most persevering and studious 
historian, in their mele of dates and facts. She ranges backwards 
and forwards in her periods, epochs, and narratives, in so marvellous 
a manner, that it is no easy matter to collect and group her inform- 
ation. Thus, after having informed us of the advanced age of the 
Due de Maine, of his talents, which were, nevertheless, rendered of 
no avail, by his timidity, and want of energy ; after telling us how 
that prince feared his father, the king, who, nevertheless, treated him 
with kindness and consideration; how Louis XIV was satisfied with 
the marriage that he made, afterwards to prove the source of 
so much grief both to monarch and prince; how the lady, being 
both hasty and extravagant, brought her husliand, who was afraid 
to restrain her, into many an awkward scrape ; Madame Caylus 
returns to the early childhood of the said Due de Maine, his educa- 
tion under Madame de Maintenon, and a description of his personal 
appearance, and his health ; telling us that he was recommended to 
travel, to try the baths of the south of France, and to be accompanied 
by his governess, Madame Scarron. She then affirms that her aunt 

u u 



330 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

experienced the greatest pleasure in being absent from the court. 
This is, however, hard to beUeve; as we cannot agree with most - 
of Madame de Maintenon's friends, that she had but little am- 
bition, or that it was her virtue which advanced her. She was as 
fond of intrigue as any woman, and it was only her good sense that 
saved her from committing the same mistakes as her predecessors, 
and gave an air of candour and modesty to all that she did. 
The Dqc de Maine was everywhere received as a royal personage, 
and more attention was paid to him in the different towns through 
which he passed than would have been shown to the Dauphin him- 
self. When he and his governess reached the province of Poitoa, 
Madame de Maintenon found her relative, Mons. D' Aubigny, who held 
the post of governor of a province, and received the young Duke 
with great magnificence. Here again we have one of those digres- 
sions of which the book is so full. Madame de Caylus goes off into a 
wild description of the amours of Louis XIV, which, if true, shows 
that that monarch was quite as loose in character as any of his race ; 
and that the indecencies of his court were barely veiled by his able ad- 
ministration, his application to business, and his success in war. Tlie 
king was not content with the presiding beauty, Madame de Mon- 
tespan, but carried on intrigues with several other ladies of the court, 
amongst whom Madame de Soubise held a prominent place. 
Madame de Caylus here draws a parallel between her character and 
that of Madame de Montespan, stating that the duchess was obHged 
to be more circumspect in her conduct towards the king than Madame 
de Montespan, as her husband was a man more difficult to manage 
than M. le Marquis de Montespan, and that she made the best use 
of those days in which Mons. Soubise was absent from court. She 
was, however, not so dangerous a rival to Madame de Montespan 
as might have been expected, if we credit the account of her as left 
by Madame de Caylus. It appears that she was a woman of great 
beauty, but of a kind which did not prepossess the world in a 
favourable degree. Tall and commanding in figure, she was 
more like a fine marble statue than a human being ; her intellect 
was vigorous, though she seems to have been a cold woman, 
of a masculine turn of mind, and great power in conversation. 

The king, though for some time fascinated, is said never really 
to have liked her. Madame de Montespan, though not equal to her 
rival in personal appearance, was still more of a woman in her cha- 
racter; she knew how to fain aifection where she did not really 
possess it, and act the part of rendering any topic agreeable on 
which she conversed. She seems to have been aware of her powers, 
and by no means to have feared the rivalry of Madame de Soubise, 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. . 331 

She soon, however, had a more formidable opponent to contend 
with in the person of her own dependant, Madame de Maintcnon ; 
who, according to our authoress, was at first treated by the king 
with great hauteur and coldness, and there seemed little in their 
early intercourse wliich could occasion fear or enmity in the mind of 
Madame de Montespan. Madame de Maintenon, however, owing to 
her conversation, her wit, and her tact, gradually but surely acquired 
influence ; and Madame de Montespan lost her power even before she 
perceived its decline. She then injured her cause by ill humour and 
jealousy, calling to her aid the influence and talents of Louvois and 
Eochefoucauld. 

Madame de Caylus tells us that both these women managed their 
intercourse with each other so well, that it was long before either the 
court or the public were made aware of their differences ; and it was 
only by degrees that the courtiers became acquainted with the fact 
that Madame de Montespan was losing her influence, and than Ma- 
dame de Maintenon was her successful rival. Great impartiality has 
been displayed in the portrait of Madame de Montespan, as, what- 
ever Madame de Caylus's interested pen might have led her to assert, 
she renders a just tribute to the qualities of her aunt's rival. The 
characters and society of the Dukes du Eochefoucauld and Eichelieu 
are also well described. They seem to have attracted around them 
most of the celebrated wits of the day. As for the Duke de Eoche- 
foucauld, every one who is acquainted with Trench literature is ac- 
quainted with his celebrated maxims, and knows that he served in 
early life in the French army. His eyesight having been early injured, 
he was obliged to reHnquish the military profession, and to turn his 
attention to literature, in which, after he had recovered from his 
teuiporary loss of sight, he acquired a great reputation. It appears 
that Eichelieu was also handsome, tall, and well made, possessed a 
large fortune, and was the nephew of the famous cardinal. He had, 
however, married a woman who was old enough to be his mother, 
and who, though neither handsome nor clever, yet contrived to be- 
come his wife. We learn from these memoirs that it was no diffi- 
cult task to gain his favour by flattery, by admiration of liis per- 
sonal appearance, his fortune, or his family connnexions ; and that 
the Duchess, after her marriage, obtained the post of dame d'hon- 
neur to the Dauphine, where she seems to have intrigued against 
Madame de Maintenon. It is strange to add that, after the death 
of the Duchess, Madame de Maintenon was offered her vacant post, 
which was declined ; Madame de Maintenon, however, contrived to 
place Madame la Contesse de Neville, one of her best friends, in the 
office which she herself had refused. This woman, says our author- 
ess, was of inferior capacity, cold in temperament, and virtuous — if 



332 MADAME BE CA^i'LUS. 

abstinence from gallantries constitutes virtue. This sentence clearly 
shows what the license of Louis XIVs court really was. 

The king, notwithstanding his close application to business, was, 
at this period, young, gay, and fond of pleasure. Thus, there was 
again a certain Madlle. de Laval, who possessed personal charms, 
great wit, was fond of dancing, and who was in tlie service of Madame 
la Dauphine ; she also seems to have attracted Louis the Fourteenth's 
attention, as also that of Mons. de Eoquelaure, who was an old ad- 
mirer of Maintenon, and who, when he found that he could not obtain 
lier hand, solicited that of Madame Daubury, afterwards Madame de 
Caylus ; and ended by marrying Madlle. de Laval. 

Although details of court intrigues and amouis are insignificant 
in themselves and not always interesting to the general reader, still 
they give an insight, at this period of history, into the character 
both of the king and of his court, which we in vain seek for in the 
more sober letters and memoirs. We may learn much of the acts 
of the great men of the last and present century in the newspapers and 
periodicals of the day ; but such publications did not exist in the 
earlier parts of Louis XIV's reign. If, therefore, subsequent gene- 
rations wish to become acquainted with his policy and his court, they 
must either rely upon the grave and heavy quarto vols, of those days, 
which no one, at the present, cares to look into, or else they must 
have recourse to such light memoirs and letters as are more in accord- 
ance with the taste of modern readers. Thus it is that these so^ifce- 
nirs, though written without much order, yet give a good account of 
the principal events of the time. 

Madame de Caylus's second part gives us a long account of the 
amours and intrigues of several persons chiefly belonging to the 
household of Madame la Dauphine. Their career is so similar, 
and their numbers so great, that a notice of them would fill 
more space than we can afford. Madame de Caylus, has, how- 
ever, particularly described the career and character of Madlle- 
de Leweistein, though she never occupied any very important place 
at court. 

According to Madame de Caylus, she was pretty, agreeable, and 
witty, descended from a very ancient family, which had lost cast by 
one of her ancestors having married into an inferior family. Ne- 
vertheless, it "Was still looked upon as holding a place of some dis- 
tinction; and one would have supposed that Madlle. De Leweis- 
tein, with all her charms, her accomplishments, and her honourable 
descent, would have made a very advantageous match. She could, 
however, find no one to appreciate her, except a M. Dangeau, an old 
man who had for some time filled the place of gentleman in waiting 
to Madame la Dauphine. He was poor, had no prospect of rising 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. 333 

(() any better post, a widower, with a grown-up daughter by his first 
wife. Mademoiselle seems to have thought it preferable to have a 
husband, even -with bad prospcets, rather than remain single. With 
this introduction, Madame de Caylus now gives us a long account 
of the Dauphine, her character and her occupation, in terms mostly 
confirmed by other historians who have written on Louis XlVs 
reign. This princess, who was a Bavarian, was ugly in appearance, 
and not at all prepossessing either in manner or conversation. She 
never could be amused by the society of the Court, although the 
king did his best to make it agreeable to her. Her chief pleasure 
was to shut herself up with her German women, and to converse on 
very insignificant subjects, in her own language, which was under- 
stood neither by the king nor by her husband. The prince, not- 
withstanding her appearance and her solitary mood, still liked her, 
though it may be wondered that the king should have chosen a wife 
of such small attractions for his son. It is stated, in his justifica- 
tion, that he was so alive to the licentious character of the court, 
and of the scandals which Avould follow, were the Dauphin not 
early married, that he was satisfied with obtaining any wife for him. 
The Dauphine, however, made up for her want of charms by bearing 
three young princes, and thus furnishing heirs to the French throne. 
Madame de Caylus^s account of the queen^s death is interesting, 
her decease being occasioned by the breaking of a blood-vessel in a 
most unexpected manner. The king felt it much, as he was every 
day becoming more affectionate towards her. According to Madame 
de Caylus, she had always been treated with kindness by her husbaiid, 
while the queen, although passionately fond of the king, did not 
possess sufficient attractions to retain his love. If we are to believe 
all other historians, I<ouis was attached to all other women but 
his wife. She feared him to a degree almost beyond belief, and 
often trembled in his presence. Madame de Maintenon, in describ- 
ing the queen to her friend and confessor, the Abb6 Goubelin, regrets 
that the queen had not so able a spiritual guide as the Abbe j for it 
appears that, after her husband, the person who possessed most in- 
fluence over the queen was her confessor. She had few friends, 
poor thing, to whom she could confide in her unfortunate position. 
Louis seems, however, to have much regretted her loss ; and if she 
was neither an attractive nor a wise woman, she was, throughout 
her whole life, a devoted and affectionate wife, while her marriage to 
Louis was most important in a political point of view. Through 
her, he derived claims to the Spanish possessions in the Netherlands, 
and to the Spanish crown itself, which occasioned long and bloody 
wars in Europe ; a crown too, which, when possessed by the house 
of Bourbon, was formidable to all the other powers, until the 



334! MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

revolution of 1789. Louis XIV, after the death of his wife, went 
first to St. Cloud, and afterwards to Fontaiubleau. Madame de 
Maintenon, on the news of the queen's death, determined to leave 
the court, but was stopped by Mons. de Eochefoucauld, who abruptly 
informed her that she was necessary to the king. She, therefore, 
accompanied Louis XIV on his journeys, together with Madame la 
Dauphine. 

In this portion of the volume we have some curious details as to 
the court ladies, amongst whom La Princesse de Conti, a natural 
daughter of the king by Madame de Valliere, seems to have held 
the chief place. Her husband, the nephew of the great Conde, was 
a man of talent and information, whilst she was a woman of ordi- 
nary abihty, but great personal beauty. If we are to believe Madame 
de Oaylus, the great Conde acquired most of his influence by the 
alliance of his family with the natural children of Louis XIV. 
Madame de Conti's beauty was so remarkable, that the Sultan of 
Morocco requested permission to have her portrait, and is said to 
have been quite overcome with her charms. We are told that 
Madame de Montespan also followed the example of Madame la Val- 
liere in marrying her children to princes of the royal blood, and thus 
strengthened her power at court. Madame de Caylus seems to think 
that the king would have really loved his wife, after the scandalous 
days of Madame la ValHere, had the husband of Madame de Mon- 
tespan possessed sufficient firmness ; for Louis had not yet arrived 
at that state of licentiousness when he could lay siege to a woman in 
defiance of her husband^s strong opposition. Mons. de Montespan, 
according to these souvenirs, did everything he could to bring the 
king and his wife together, and used her influence as a means to 
advance his own ambitious schemes. 

Madame de Maintenon rose every day in power, and the time 
at length arrived when Montespan was to bid a last farewell to 
her royal lover. Madame de Caylus, however, judiciously omits all 
accounts of this parting. We soon find that Madame de Maintenon 
exerted her influence over the king, and established the famous in- 
stitution of the Sisters of Saint Cyr, for the instruction and support 
of poor ladies of noble families. It appears that she spent much of 
her time in this admirable institution, one of her greatest amuse- 
ments being the superintending of the performances of Eacine's plays 
by "les Demoiselles de Saint Cyr." There is an amusing account 
given by Madame de Caylus of the indignation of the foundress at the 
representation of Andromaque. " Nos petites filles viennent de jouer 
Andromaque et Tont si bien jouee qu'elles ne la joueront plus, ni 
aucune de vos pieces,'' writes Madame de Maintenon to the immortal 
liacine. Madame Brinon, however, the principal of the institution. 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. 335 

toned down the moral of the plays, and ultimately got Racine to 
\j^rite more simple acting stories, in which the tender passion bore no 
part. 

Madame de Caylus gives further details of the intrigues at court, 
all of which are insipid to the general reader, and not at all creditable, 
either to the great monarch, or to the brilliant personages who 
took so considerable a share in them. Thus we are informed that 
Madame la Princesse de Conti carried on intrigues with generals 
in the army, which were discovered by her father, and gave oc- 
casion to much anger and recrimination between her and Madame 
de Maintenon j though we find that the illegitimate children of the 
king obtained more consideration at the hands of Madame de Main- 
tenon than they had done from Madame de Montespan. The 
children of the latter had not lost much by the advancement of their 
mother's rival, for the Comte de Toulouse filled the place of Grand 
Admiral of France ; and his sister. Mademoiselle de Nantes, a woman 
of considerable attractions, was married to the Due de Bourbon, 
grandson of the great Conde. This lady became greatly disfigured by 
the small-pox, with which malady she was seized soon after her 
marriage ; and Louis XIV, with his usual fondness for his children, 
insisted on visiting her during the height of the malady. The 
great Conde, however, who had hastily returned from a cam- 
• pagne on the Ehine, on the news of his grand-daughter's illness, 
stood before the door of her chamber, and firmly opposed the 
admittance of the king, being fully aware of the risk which his 
sovereign was running. This interference led to a very angry alter- 
cation betw^een Louis XIY and Conde, and the latter was dismissed 
to the camp in disgrace. About this time we find that Mons. de Conti 
requested permission of the king to engage in the Hungarian wars, 
and obtained the royal consent not only for his own departure to the 
scene of action, but that numerous volunteers should accompany him. 
This call to arms was, however, so favourable in the eyes of the 
young French nobles, that the whole of France would have followed 
the prince to the wars, had not the king and Mons. de Louvois 
withdrawn their permission. Mons. de Conti was not, however, 
deterred from the pursuit of his warlike objects ; as, together with 
the Prince Eugene of Savoy and several young men of distinction, 
he secretly started at night for the French frontier, and was only 
stopped by a peremptory message from the king, who, through the 
emissaries of the minister of war, had discovered the plans, and 
successfully traced the volunteers thus far on their journey. On his 
return to Paris, Madame de Conti seems to have had great difficulty 
in pacifying the king, who at last pardoned her husband. 

Madame de Caylus now reverts to some circumstances in her early 



336 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

life which first opened to her a career at court ; viz. her marriage, in 
16S6, with the son of Mens, le Marquis de Caylus, grand menin to 
the Dauphin, She informs us that she was not at once received at 
court, being considered almost too j^oung to hold any post, having 
only just attained the age of thirteen. She however lived at 
Paris, and during the following year was placed by Madame de 
Maintenon under the surveillance of Madame de Montchevreuil. She 
seems to have become much attached both to that lady and the 
Dauphine, though the attachment was little in accordance with the 
views of Madame de Maintenon, who endeavoured to dispel the 
favourable impressions which her young relation had awakened 
in that quarter, 

Madame de Caylus, wonderful to relate, gives us an opinion 
on one important event in history, though the rest of the book is 
rather devoid of historical details. She tells us how tiie war with 
Holland had now recommenced by the siege of Philipsbourg, 
that the king and queen of England, together with their infant 
son, the Prince of Wales, had taken refuge in Erance after the 
abdication, and the landing of William III in England, She then 
describes the generous reception which James met M'ith from Louis 
XIV ; but seems to think that Louis never expected to be able to 
restore the house of Stuart to its lost possessions. If such was 
really the case, Louis XIV's conduct towards these unfortunate 
princes is to be admired, as it was little prompted by selfish or 
politic motives. 

Our authoress soon starts off into the intrigues of Madame La 
Dauphine with Mons. de Conti and other lovers ; her endeavour to 
marry one of the Condes to the Due de Berry, which succeeded ; 
together with the history of Mons. le Due de Bourgogne and his 
wife. This prince, as is well known, was the son of the Dauphin 
and the pupil of the celebrated Archbishop Fenelon, for whose in- 
struction the well-known Telemachus was written. He grew up 
remarkable for many amiable and great qualities; and although 
Madame de Caylus gives him rather a harsh and hypocritical 
character, he was, on the whole, one of the best of the Bourbon 
Princes; and his administration of Bourgogne and the adjacent 
provinces showed that he possessed real talent for government ; 
and that, had he lived to succeed his grandfather, he would 
have equalled him in morfe than reputation. Although Ma- 
dame de Caylus represents him as a man of severe temper, 
and extremely jealous of his wife, whom he afl'ected not to 
care for in the least, she still allows that his death, which occurred 
in 1712, was a loss to France, With this she mixes up the 
character and intrigues of Mons de Conti, whom she considers a 



MADAME DE CAYLUS. ii'37 

more agreeable person than the Duke of Burgundy, and in fact 
makes us believe that he was a general favourite with the ladies of 
the court, by his wit in conversation and pleasing manners, lie 
was, however, called away from the French court to the distant 
region of Poland, to the great regret of the Dauphine, having been 
proposed by a large portion of the Polish nobility as a candidate for 
the crown. It was supposed that he would never again return to 
Prance. Ousted, however, in 1697, by the party of the Saxon 
Elector, Augustus, he did return to Prance, where, after amusing 
himself with other intrigues, he died. We should not omit to men- 
tion that Madame la Duchesse de Bourgogne, the wife of the prince 
above-mentioned, is described at length by Madame de Caylus as a 
daughter of the Prince of Savoy, and was recommended by hor 
mother to the care of Madame de Maintenon on her first entry into 
the French court. Her marriage having taken place at a very young 
age, she was surrounded by some of Madame de Maintenon's most 
select and discreet adherents; which, of course, in the opinion of 
our narrator, preserved her in the path of virtue ! "Whether this 
was the fact or not, we are pretty certain that, guided by Madame de 
Maintenon's advice, she had sufficient cunning to hide her vices, if she 
had any, under an apparent modesty and devotion. 

The marriage of Madame de Blois with the Due de Chartres, 
who was early distinguished for those talents which afterwards made 
him so famous as the Eegent Duke of Orleans, is related at full 
length in the third part of the volume before us. Debauched in 
early youth, the Duke seems to have considered that there were only 
two classes of men in the world ; viz. fools, and men of ability ; 
the former he believed to be honest, because they could not help it, 
and did not possess sufficient talent to enable them to plan any 
schemes of ambition ; whilst he looked upon the other class as 
constantly plotting and scheming for their own interests and in- 
fluence. AH who have read the history of the period during which 
he was Regent are well aware of his injurious influence and levity 
of character ; quahties which may be said to have contributed not a 
little to the overthrow of the French dynasty and aristocracy at the 
end of the eighteenth century. Lord Brougham remarks of him, 
that " he was not so bad as he is painted /' and Lord Mahon, 
whilst blaming him for his debauched character, applauds the energy 
he displayed, in conjunction with Lord Stanhope, in opposing the 
ambitious designs of Cardinal Alberoni, and in thus preserving the 
l)eace of Europe, which remained undisturbed, with slight interrup- 
tion, from 1718 to 1740. 

The interesting souvenirs of Madame de Caylus are brought 
to an abrupt termination by further accounts of the intrigues of 

X X 



338 MADAME DE CAYLUS. 

Madame de Conti. We have, however, added to the book an 
Apjoeiidice, in which are given a few interesting particulars as to the 
manner in which these souvenirs were published. 

Mons. le Comte de Caylus, son of Madame de Caylus, seems 
to have been a man of considerable literary taste, and to have 
induced his mother, when she became old and ill, to dictate to 
him her experiences. She at first refused to do so, alleging that 
it was too difficult a task for her to collect all her papers and to 
write as she desired. He then suggested that her reminiscences 
might be arranged under the name of " Souvenirs," with but little 
order with respect to dates. This advice was accordingly followed, 
A man of some literary reputation, an acquaintance of Mons. de 
Caylus, desired to see these souvenirs, promising most faithfully to 
return them to their owner ; which engagement he, however, never 
fulfilled, but clandestinely published them in Holland. This strange 
history was brought to light by Mons. Marin, of the Debats in 1804, 
long after Madame de Caylus's death. The rest of the Appendice 
has been compiled with care and labour, being full of explanatory 
matter of Louis XIV's time. Without it, many of the occurrences, 
anecdotes, and characters would be inexplicable to the general 
reader. As for the narrative, it is written in a natural, easy style, 
such as a woman like Madame de Caylus would be expected to con- 
verse in. It is interesting enough to be called a " romance of real 
life," and gives detail which it would be difficult to find in more 
erudite histories of the customs and morals of Louis XIV's court. 
Its descriptions are generally lively, accurate, and true. It well 
portrays that license which prevailed throughout Erench society in 
the days of Louis XIV and XV, and which, by bringing the court 
and nobles into general disrepute and contempt, contributed much 
towards hastening the terrible revolution of 1789, and the overthrow 
of all religion as well as all real government in France. 



CAENOT, 



ENGINEER AND KEVOLUTIONIST. 



CAENOT.^- 



Of all the revolutionists of 1793 there is perhaps not one who 
has made a more durable reputation or obtained greater respect from 
posterity than Carnot. Great as an engineer and as the associate of 
Eobespierre in the Committee of Public Safety during the Reign of 
Terror, he evinced a sincerity rarely found amongst his fellows, whilst 
firmly professing thoroughly republican principles. Throughout his 
long career he relinquished his own inclinations and principles, to 
serve his country when in danger. Thus, in 1798, he is known as 
a bloody and ultra republican, and again, in 1813, as the coadjutor of 
Napoleon in his defence of Trance against the attacks of the allies. 
It was, therefore, during his maturer age that he erected a durable 
monument of his own talent, and associated his name wath that of 
Antwerp, which he fortified and rendered one of the strongest posi- 
tions in Europe. It was just this peculiarity in his political career, 
and his self-sacrifice of person and of principle, which exposed him 
to the attacks of enemies and the reproach of friends. His admirers 
cannot comprehend how so rigid a republican could condescend to 
serve an ambitious ruler like IVapoleon, and accordingly look upon 
this phase in his existence as a weakness, instead of a noble virtue and 
a liigh generosity of mind. His enemies, on the other hand, consider 
him as a frantic republican, desirous of obtaining power by any 
means, whose love of notoriety at length forced him to tender his 
services to the Emperor when most needed, and therefore most likely 
to be appreciated and rewarded. It was therefore much to be de- 
sired that some impartial writer should have undertaken the bio- 
graphy of this truly eminent man, as his faults can never be fairly 
treated by the pen of a friend, or of a relative. For this reason, we 
regret to find that his son has undertaken this difficult task ; for, as 
we glance at the work which we have placed at the head of our 
article, we are struck Avith the great amount of lavish praise which it 
bestows on the memory of Carnot, and the small amount of historical 
information which it affords. The introduction is so replete with 
fulsome praise, that we are led to believe that the son has set up the 
father as an idol, like some ancient hero of romance, to be worshipped 
as a family deity ; for we are told that his rigid virtues resembled 
those of a Roman republican. His great deeds in science, as well 
as arms, are heralded to the world as marvels of skill and courage, 

Mcmoires sur Carnot, 1753 — 1S?3, par son fils. Tome premier, preniiiiro paitic. 
Paris: ragiicno, me de Seine, St Germain, 18. 1861. 



342 CARNOT. 

whilst for his parental indulgence and private qualities, according 
to his biographer, no parallel can be found. Thus he treats lightly 
of the daily companionship and intimate friendship which Carnot en- 
joyed with such tyrants and hypocrites as Danton, Marat, and 
Robespierre; and forgets that Carnot might have been a great ma- 
thematician, a good soldier, and an ardent patriot, and yet mistaken 
in his theoretical ideas of government, and in practical matters con- 
nected with his own profession, though possessed of sound common 
sense. Thus the fault of the work we are about to notice is a 
rigmarole introduction, and much unqualified praise of a man by no 
means perfect. A son may be dutiful, affectionate, and desirous of 
giving a good record of the actions and motives of a great father, but 
this should not be effected at the expense of truth, nor should it 
Wind a writer to the demerits' of his hero. It would be useless to 
record the filial outpourings of our author, or to follow him whilst 
he descants on the sincerity and the patriotism of Carnot in the 
Directory under Napoleon, and during the restoration under Louis 
X VIII ; nor do we admit his grand maxim, that " the revolution 
was a political necessity which could not be avoided, and which, 
though it had strong opposition to contend with, was productive 
of lasting' benefits." 

Our author opens the Memoires with a long account of his 
family, the descent of which has been traced by his uncle further 
than he can vouch for. He facetiously remarks, " there exists among 
the family archives^ an old medal, on which is inscribed the words 
Du!v Carnot, and from which it may be inferred that the family was 
descended from some old Roman who had entered Gaul with Julius 
Ceesar.^jj Our author, however, confesses that he can only trace his 
family as far back as Louis XIII or XIV, that his maternal ancestor 
was originally of an old Breton family, which had subsequently re- 
moved into Normandy ; and that the native place of his male 
ancestor was Epertulley, a village near Nolay, formerly in the duchy 
of Burgundy. He then gives a long account of the derivation of 
the name Nolay. It appears that the town or its vicinity was 
the site of one of the many camps established by Csesar when he 
entered^Gaul, and that it is rendered interesting by the ruins which 
abound in its neighbourhood. We next have a long list of the most 
eminent members of the Carnot family, amongst whom may be cited 
an Abbe, who wrote several learned works, of a theological and 
archaeological nature, and a doctor who made several scientific 
discoveries as a professor in one of the universities of the pro- 
vince. ^, The grandfather J held the respectable position of lawyer 
and notary at Nolay, where he married Marguerite, daughter of a 
M. Potliier, a writer of the period, by whom he had fourteen sons 



CAUNOT. 34'3 

and four daughters. The account of Claude and Marguerite Carnot 
is amusing, and is written with the naivete so peculiar to French 
biographers. Carnot, being one of these eighteen children (of 
whom seven only survived), was destined to push his own fortunes 
in the workl. His two elder sisters early entered a religious 
society at Nolay, and all his brothers seem to have held respect- 
able positions in the various professions in which they were 
engaged. Our hero was born on the 13th of May, 1753, and was 
christened on the same day by the name of Lazare Nicholas 
Marguerite. He, as well as his other brothers and sisters, owed 
much early instruction to their father, who seems to liave been 
a man of high principles and industrious and studious habits, 
though generally indulgent to his children. Lazare, and his 
elder brother, Claude, were at. an early age sent to the college 
of Nolay, then superintended by a man of considerable learning, 
and in which their own uncle. Dr. Carnot, held a professor- 
ship. Lazare was assiduous in his studies, and soon became 
remarkable for his readiness in learning, and his thirst for 
general information. At ten years old, he showed a considerable 
taste for the army; and an anecdote is related of his having 
accompanied his mother to the fair at Dijon, where, at a dra- 
matic spectacle in which some battle was represented, our young 
hero became alarmed at the awkward manner in which the soldiers 
on tlie stage were posted for a sham battle. The boy shouted to the 
actors and warned them of their false position, pointing out, amid 
the laughter of the audience, the proper military manoeuvre whicli 
would alone secure success. The performance was thus brought to 
an end amidst the applause of a well-filled booth. Prom Nolay, he 
and his brother proceeded to the celebrated provincial college of 
Autun, where philosophy and the sciences were taught, and where 
young Lazare made great progress in mathematics, and gained a 
prize, without the usual assistance afforded to junior candidates. On 
quitting this seminary, the two brothers separated ; Claude, the 
elder, being sent to the university of Dijon, to complete his 
studies and prepare himself for the duties of magistrate; whilst 
Lazare entered the mihtary seminary of M. de Longpre, at Paris, 
where young men were prepared in those days for the navy, and for 
the engineer and artillery corps. Here young Carnot was remark- 
able for great progress, and was greatly assisted in his studies 
by the Principal of the College, who, besides being a man of no 
mean ability, was intimately acquainted with many of the most 
celebrated Parisian savans of that day. M. d'Alembert, the cele- 
brated geometrician, seems not only to have been one of Longpre's 
greatest friends, but also to have taken lively interest in the incli- 



344 CAENOT. 

nations of his pupils, and often to have assisted them with his own 
experience and advice. He soon noticed Lazare, and foresaw in him 
the future engineer and statesman. Thus, no school could have 
afforded better training for one who was hereafter to fill so high a 
destiny. 

Our author now leaves the strict path of biography to glance at 
the manner in which this celebrated engineering school was founded. 
It appears that Louis Simon Longpre was born in 1737, of poor 
parents, and was left an orphan at tlie age of fourteen. He supported 
himself thus early by giving instruction in mathematics, and soon 
after became an author. He had little chance of rising in life, except 
by his own talents, perseverance, and the excellent education which 
his parents and guardians had commenced. By hard work he 
amassed a small sum of money, and, being well versed in mathema- 
tics, conceived the plan of erecting a school for the preparation of 
young men destined for the army. Thus he obtained the consent of 
the government, in 1767, for its formation. The seminary was well 
managed, and soon became celebrated. Many students of noble 
family were candidates for admission, and not a few of the greatest 
generals of France received their elementary education from Longpre. 
We are told that Marie Antoinette so far patronized this school as to 
be present herself at one of the examinations. Lazare Carnot had 
thus open to him a chance of the patronage and interest so 
essential to advancement in those days, had he chosen to make 
himself popular amongst his aristocratic fellow-students. He was, 
however, of too uncompromising a nature to bend to their will, or to 
cringe to birth and rank. Thus we find, in tha early dawn of his 
career, that he blended learning with republican tendencies, and 
that he only bent to his superiors in mind and not in social 
position. During his residence in Paris, Lazare appears to have re- 
ceived much kindness from the Duchesse d'Aumont, whose husband 
had already been acquainted with tlie Carnot family in his capacity of 
Seigneur de Nolay. Carnot, notwithstanding his strong republican 
principles even in the most prosperous stage of his career, felt a great 
regard for this worthy lady, who had almost filled the place of a 
mother to him. She was one of the most conspicuous of his guests 
during the period of his directory ; and, at a later period, he was 
enabled to render her real service, when Minister of the Interior to 
Napoleon, in 1815, as by his means she escaped condemnation for 
her treasonable correspondence with the exiled Bourbons. 

During his residence at Longpre, Carnot had devoutly studied 
theology, as well as his profession. It appears that he devoted 
eighteen months to a theological course, during which he read all the 
best authors on both the Catholic and Protestant doctrines, and also 



CARNOT. 345 

the works of those who had been celebrated for their answers to the 
learned infidels of the day. After much application, he seems to 
have arrived at the conclusion that simple Deism was the only 
rational faith. Our young hero, like many other great men, res- 
pected and esteemed sincerity in opinions, even though contrary 
to his own. Thus we are told that he reverenced the purity 
and simplicity of Christian principles. Previous to his leaving 
Longpre, he, together with a fellow pupil, attempted to pay their 
respects to the great Genevan philosopher, J. J. Eousseau ; and we 
find the two young aspirants at the very door of the philosopher's 
lodging, on the fourth story of a house in an obscure street in Paris, 
asking for admission. Eousseau was, however, in one of the many 
morose fits to which he was subject, and received the young people 
in so cold a manner that they were disinclined again to renew their 
attempt. 

From Paris, Carnot went to the celebrated engineering scliool 
of Mezi^res, in 1771. Here he was looked upon with contempt by 
the aristocratic pupils, who refused to associate with him. His ma- 
thematical talents, however, so struck the professors of that depart- 
ment, that he was soon appointed Assistant Instructor over those 
who had refused to receive him as a comrade. After close study for 
two years in this school, he entered as a sub-lieutenant in the Eoyal 
Company of Engineers, in 1778, and joined his first garrison at 
Calais, which town, as well as the province of Picardy, was then go- 
verned by M. le Prince de Oroy. This General, who possessed a 
character well expressed by the French term Bizarre, appears to 
have encouraged scientific men, and particularly those of the army. 
He had much improved, at his own expense, the fortifications of 
Calais, and added a celebrated tower, which was known by the name 
of Tour de Croy, and from which he could survey the opposite coast 
of England. He had also restored the fort and approaches of 
Dunkerque, and was now in search of some able engineer officer 
who might report on the voyages of the famous Captain Cook. 
The chief engineer at once recommended to the notice of the 
General our young friend Carnot, as the most efficient officer to 
undertake so difficult a task. Although Lazare had only just 
joined the corps, the Prince was so pleased with his conversa- 
tion and talents, that he employed the young lieutenant in this 
service, and was highly satisfied with the manner in which he 
completed his work. This old Prince kept open house for the 
garrison, and was a regular bon vivant, as well as a skilful officer. 
It appears that he entered into an agreement with an hotel keeper to 
furnish his table with every luxury at so much per day ; he used to 
fill his hospitable board to overflowing, and, after his guests were 

Y Y 



346 CARNOT. 

nearly surfeited with wine and good clieer, would exclaim, " AUous, 
messieurs, buvez, mangez, bourrez vous bien;" which advice the 
young officers never failed to adopt, amid shouts of laughter. Car- 
not, notwithstanding his early luck, was nevertheless slow in obtain- 
ing promotion. He spent some time in the garrison at Calais, where 
he applied himself to close study, and to the education of a younger 
brother. But whilst he devoted his chief time to mathematics and 
fortifications, he did not neglect his general reading, or his family 
ties. He closely studied Caesar's Commentaries, from which, like 
our great English captain, the Duke of Wellington, he derived much 
knowledge which afterwards proved useful to him in his military 
career. He was moved from garrison to garrison, and did not 
obtaiTi the rank of captain until the year 1783. He was, how- 
ever, previous to this period well known in the scientific world 
by his two great works ; one on mechanics, the other I'Eloge de 
Vauhan. In the first, he discussed the new appliances in loco- 
motion by land, water, and air, whilst VMoge de Vauhan was 
written for a prize which the Academy of Dijon had offered on this 
subject. It treated of the Marshal as an engineer, praised him 
highly for the improvement he had suggested in fortification, and 
discussed at great length the utility of fortifying places as a means 
of defence, and of prolonging a war against a formidable and 
well-equipped enemy. He quoted a number of historical examples, 
as far back as the fourteenth century, to prove that well-fortified 
towns on the frontier were frequently not only of great value in 
defence, but had enabled an invaded and unprepared country to 
collect its forces, and to come out of a contest victorious. He 
also considered the merits of Vauban as an administrator and 
statesman, and proved that "he went far beyond his age in the 
liberality of his views, and in his desire that all his fellow country- 
men should be made equal in the eye of the law." This me- 
moir was considered by the University of Dijon as the ablest which 
had been written on the subject, and worthy of the prize. His suc- 
cess, however, raised him a host of enemies in his own profession, and 
gave rise to rather a warm discussion between himself and the Mar- 
quis de Montalambert, who had invented and written upon a new 
theory of fortification. Carnot, however, bowed to the superior 
knowledge of his adversary, admitted the correctness of his ideas, and 
wrote the Marquis a conciliatory letter on the subject. It was, how- 
ever, couched in very bold terms for so young an officer ; and, although 
the Marquis was flattered, yet the insubordination of Carnot raised 
him many an enemy in the army. Thus they made use of his first 
error, viz. a duel which he fought with a young infantry officer, 
respecting the hand of the daughter of the Chevali er de B , to 



CARNOT. 347 

cany out their desires ; and Carnot was, in conse(;[uence, confined 
in the Bastile for some considerable period. After writing several 
papers and memorials to the Minister of War, to the King, and to 
the National Assembly, on the neglected state of the army, and on 
the miserable condition in which the education of the engineer corps 
was conducted, he was at length released, though some of these 
papers afterwards occasioned his imprisonment, and retarded his pro- 
motion. Thus it was that he had only become a senior captain of 
engineers when he joined the National Convention of 1793. During 
this period he wrote several poetical effusions, which his biographer 
would have us beheve were the models which Beranger adopted for 
his unrivalled bahads. He also became a member of a society of 
poets at Arras, of which his future associate in the Committee of 
Public Safety, Eobespierre, was the President ; though it is an error 
to suppose that these men, though republicans, met at that early 
period for political purposes. Historians have, therefore, committed 
an error in giving importance to such a club of young literati. It 
is quite true that at their meetings they ridiculed the ministers and 
government of the day in doggrel verse, but had no idea of over- 
throwing the power of the state. They were a set of hon vivants as 
well as poets, fond of meeting together to read each other's produc- 
tions, and to enjoy a good dinner and a good bottle of burgundy. 
We are told that one of the members combined the power of verse 
with a knowledge of the cuisine, and that he thoroughly understood 
his art, if he has not left us the effusions of his muse. He is, how- 
ever, remembered as companion and chef de cuisine to the greatest 
men of the revolution. It appears that, although a complimentary 
letter was addressed by the society to Carnot, through Eobespierre, 
the future political colleagues were at that period unacquainted with 
each other, and that their introduction took place under the following 
curious circumstances. An old lady of tolerable affluence died at 
Arras without heirs ; the brothers Carnot were struck with the simi- 
larity of the name to that of their old servant and housekeeper. 
They enquired if she was not in some way connected with the de- 
ceased. The old woman replied that as she could neither read nor 
Mi'ite, she would trouble the brothers Carnot to look at her papers, 
on the perusal of which it became evident that her claim was 
worth contesting. The law suit, which was tried at the Court of 
Arras, was conducted by Eobespierre. He, however, managed the 
case so badly, and spoke so indistinctly, that the younger Carnot 
feared the case would be lost. He thus several times interrupted 
the lawyer, and was often called to order by the Court. The case, 
however, terminated favourably for the old woman, who retired and 
lived in case for the rest of her days. The elder Carnot was also 



348 , carnot. 

present at the trial, though wise enough to remain silent. Thus, 
when he joined the Convention, he recognised Eobespierre as the 
avocat of Arras, and was astonished at the position he had obtained. 
Many other celebrated characters of the revolution were brought 
together in quite as extraordinary a manner. Our readers may re- 
member the meeting of young Beauharuais and Napoleon, when the 
latter was commanding his company on parade, and the influence 
which it had in raising the fortunes of the whole Beauharuais' family. 
Carnot and Robespierre's acquaintance was quite as eventful; it 
strengthened the influence of both parties, and probably saved Carnot 
his head during the reign of terror. 

Tht?re are many interesting details in the volume before us as to 
the financial state of the country, and the many civil and military 
reforms which Carnot considered necessary, and in which he displayed 
his usual clearness and vigour of intellect. Even in this early period 
of his career, he showed himself an unflinching republican, whilst his 
sincerity as a politician does him much credit. 

Once more we see Lnzare in his domestic relations, when the 
family were assembled together for the last time, in 1788, and when 
a great family affliction befel him in the loss of his mother, who died 
suddenly at rather an advanced age. Soon after this event, 
Carnot married. His engagement was brought about after an 
accident which befel him, and which, for some time, made him a 
close prisoner in his chamber. Here he was tenderly nursed by 
Mademoiselle Dupont, daughter of a gentleman who had formerly 
held a military post during the seven-years' war, and who had 
since iiis retirement resided at Dijon. A friendship sprang up 
between the young people, which ended in marriage, his elder 
brother having previously married the sister of his intended. 
The occasion of the nuptials of our hero is made the text 
for a long dissertation on the Trench revolution, and we are told 
" that each step in the path of progress had become an accomphshed 
fact, before the violence to which it gave rise had occurred." 
This is a plausible excuse, which is generally made by French re- 
pubhcans to support their theory of the benefits derived from these 
outrages. Ouj author, however, deserves to be praised for the 
tolerant impartiality with which he has reviewed Louis the Six^ 
tcenth's vacillating conduct, and traced his misfortunes. He endea- 
vours to vindicate the revolutionists, by showing that none of its 
leaders were repubhcans until 1789, and that even men of such ultra 
views as Robespierre and Marat were at that period for retaining 
the royal authority, and for introducing such liberal reforms in the 
constitution as were practicable ; and that they did not adopt their 
ultra-republican opinions until the popular excitement had become 



CARNOT. 349 

SO great, and the clubs of the JacoTsins so firmly established, 
that to hesitate was to perish. There may possibly be some truth 
in these assertions, but they do not excuse the excesses to which 
such men fell during the revolution itselt^ or during the subsequent 
reign of terror. 

Although our author proves that his father and uncle, staunch 
repubhcans, never entered the Jacobin Club but once, and that they 
retired from thence when they discovered the fatal doctrines of the 
members, — although he declaims against the doctrine that "no 
patriot could be found so excellent as he who approved that 
society, — yet a detail is wanting of the private aspirations of our 
hero. It appears, however, that Carnot's love of study inchned 
him more to join the Girondins than the ultra republicans ; 
that he was a great admirer of Condorcet and Eollins ; that he was 
intimate with the former ; but that he was a man of too independent 
a nature to ally himself entirely with any one party in the state. 
His principles, however, must be called ultra republican, as he looked 
upon the King as a traitor, for his declaration of war against the 
allied powers and the emigrants. In fact, Carnot, like all other 
republicans, seems to have considered the King^s want of firmness 
to have been nothing less than duplicity and perfidiousness ; and he 
therefore voted against the monarch, and heartily joined in support- 
ing the friends of the new constitution. His speeches in the Na- 
tional Assembly were marked by clearness and fluency of style ; but 
he could not strictly be called an orator. His younger brother 
seems, however, to have possessed greater powers of diction, and 
would, according to our author, have been a very Demosthenes, had 
his parliamentary career been prolonged. 

Carnot may have been sincere in his principles ; but he seems 
often to have varied them when circumstances changed, and to have 
adopted the pretext that the people must either be worked upon 
by fear, or guided by a deep and cunning policy ; and thus, while 
he professed to maintain order, he, by his military code, gave 
strength to the revolutionary party. He was of opinion that military 
discipline should not be too rigorously enforced whilst the soldier 
was in garrison in the time of peace, where he could enjoy similar 
privileges to those of his fellow citizens. Of course, when before 
the enemy, his own judgment showed him the necessity of rigorously 
carrying out all the enactments of the military code. It was argued 
against him, that, whether in peace or in war, the military chiefs 
were answerable for the acts of those placed under their command. 
" If that be the case/' he replied, " what would have become of 
the liberty of France when the army was commanded by Louis the 
Sixteenth's generals? It would have been annihilated." "La 



350 CAllNOT. 

conclusion palpable du systeme de Carnot c'est que le soldat de pro- 
fession ne doit pas etre employ^ dans les troubles civiles, centre des 
manifestations plus ou moins serieuse de Fopinion publique." In 
another part, however, of his military opinions, no conservative alive 
could have shown sounder judgment. He strictly required that all 
posts on the frontier should be placed in a posture of defence, and 
blamed the royalists and republicans ahke for their neglect in this 
important particular. He was likewise in favour of the declaration 
of war, and voted for it ; though this declaration, our author en- 
deavours to prove, was brought upon France by the attacks of her 
enemies, and by the anti-revolulionary spirit of the neighbouring 
states. He is especially bitter against Mr. Pitt, for having pre- 
vailed on England to enter into so long and so obstinate a war 
against Prance. He is, however, willing to admit, that so far as the 
interest of England was concerned, Pitt must be considered a great 
minister ; and he is loud in his praise of those orators who defended 
the Prench Revolution in parliament, and who were for allowing 
Prance to continue her course of popular changes without foreign 
interruption. Much blame is cast upon the unfortunate King and 
his court ; the former for his want of firmness, and the latter for 
their intrigues and duplicity. As we have already given our opinion 
on this portion of our subject, in the article " Les Girondins," we 
shall simply remark, that the biography of Carnot is as partial and 
one-sided in politics, as it is in the description of private character. 
The reader can see the ultra democrat, if not the terrorist, in every 
page and in every line of the book. 

We have an excellent account of the tumults and treachery which 
took place in the Prench army before Tourney, together with the 
total route of the soldiers, notwithstanding the efforts made to rally 
them by their generals, and a resume of the diseases which arose in 
the camps of the frontier, owing to the bad bread supplied to the 
troops, which many suppose to have been poisoned by court emis- 
saries. Although our author does not substantiate this accusa- 
tion, he blames the King and his ministers for their negligence 
in supplying the army, and declares that much excitement was 
created amongst the people by that event, and much alarm 
at the defeat of the troops and their insubordination at Tourney ; 
Carnot, with a number of other officers, being appointed to 
enquire into this misfortune. Great difficulties soon arose, owing 
to the disputes between the National Guards, the Swiss, and 
other regiments, with which the King had surrounded himself; and 
the idea that he had despatched a private agent into Germany to 
thwart his own generals. Had such been the case, it was little 
likely that his advice could have been hstened to, or that the allied 



CARNOT. 351 

generals would have abstained from issuing violent manifestoes until 
tiiey had obtained some degree of success in France itself. Our 
author, however, tells us that the French King's recommendations, 
though actually given, were not listened to. 

Carnot appears to have striven, as far as lay in his power, to quiet 
the apprehensions of his fellow-citizens and the army, and to have 
restored order in Paris, though France was pressed on every side. 
The Spaniards, who were ruled over by a branch of the house of 
Bourbon, now entered into coalition against her; and Francis, who 
had succeeded his more philosophical and peaceable brother as 
Emperor of Germany, entered with his whole heart into the views of 
the allies, and engaged with vigour in a war against France. Eussia 
had concluded peace with Turkey, and only waited for a favourable 
opportunity to turn her arms against the revolutionary forces of 
France ; whilst Prussia took an active part in the early struggles. 
The French, as we have seen, had only young and undisciplined 
soldiers, badly equipped and armed, to oppose such formidable forces ; 
and the chief military men of the country were engaged, not only in 
reforming and reporting on its abuses, but also in considering the 
best mode of arming the troops. In all these debates we find Carnot 
taking a very prominent position. He made a motion in the 
Assembly for a large supply of pikes to be furnished to the army, 
contending that they were the best weapons which could be given 
to the infantry, and that their value and importance were by no means 
diminished since the invention of artillery and the introduction of 
gunpowder in the art of war. He quoted several famous military 
opinions, from the days of Louis XIV, to strengthen this assertion. 
Our author improves the occasion by stating that a similar distribu- 
tion of pikes was ordered by the Emperor Napoleon, in 1814, and 
that the Emperor had affirmed, when at St. Helena, that Carnot had 
by no means overrated the importance of this weapon. It appears 
also that he was desirous that some method should be adopted by 
which the citizens of the whole country might be generally instructed 
in the use of guns and other arms. 

We are now told of the different movements which took place 
in Paris, and terminated in the total overthrow of the royal authority. 
This narrative does not much differ from that which is given by most 
historians, only that, perhaps, a litte more odium is attached to the 
King's conduct. As might be expected, Carnot, at this period be- 
came a violent republican ; was appointed as one of the commissioners 
to enquire into the state of the Tuileries after it had been vacated 
by the King, and reported as to the condition of the two contending 
parties. He found it, however, no easy matter to make his way 
from the Assembly to the Palace, and he narrowly escaped being cut 



352 CARNOT. 

down, even by the populace. Some of the spectators, however, of 
the memorable contest of the 10th of August, shouted his name, 
and a number of the most violent combatants on the part of the 
people came to his rescue, and escorted him to his hotel. The ter- 
mination of this conflict is shortly passed over, and we are told, in 
true French style, that ** La famille royale assistait a la destruction 
de la royaute, elle ne quitta TAssemble que pour la prison du Temple." 

The biographer is impartial enough, however, to admire the 
heroism of many of the royalists, whose desire was that, if the King 
should fall, the monarchy should at least be preserved ; whilst, on 
the other hand, he highly praises the Jacobins for their ultra re- 
publicanism. 

Carnot duly accepted the office of Commissioner from the As- 
sembly to the Army of the Ehine, and strengthened the power 
of the republic in that quarter by his vigour and sagacity ; during 
which, intrigues were carried on by the court with La Fayette. 
Our author defends that general from the accusation of treachery to 
either party, and affirms that his attempts at mediation had placed 
him in a false position. La Fayette was much annoyed by the want 
of confidence which the government had shown towards him, by 
sending emissaries to supervise and report upon his conduct. As is 
well known, he seized the revolutionary commissioners, and himself 
went over to the allied camps. He was, nevertheless, long confined 
in a Prussian dungeon, and did not take any active part in 
French politics until the restoration in 1814. It appears that his 
flight, together with the advance of the allied troops, had terrified 
and excited the French people, whilst even the generals and the 
commissioners felt some degree of apprehension for the exposed 
situation of several ports on the Rhenish frontier, of which Strasbourg 
was the most important. This place was commanded by an old 
general, whose age made him incapable of carrying on military ope- 
rations. It was, however, found difficult to displace, him, though he 
was at length sent as a representative to the Assembly. But Carnot 
undertook the defence of the place, and discovered a conspiracy 
formed against the commissioners, called together the municipality, 
harangued them as to their fatal conduct, insisted on a search 
for the conspirators, and their delivery into the hands of the 
government, discharging the officials from the Hotel de Ville, in 
much the same manner as Napoleon afterwards expelled the re- 
presentatives of the people when he made himself First Consul. 
This vigorous conduct laid him open to many unjust accusations, 
and forced him to return to Paris in self vindication. Anxiety 
and overwork soon produced their effects. He was attacked with 



CAENOT. 353 

severe illness, was prostrate for some considerable period at Paris, 
and only recovered after he had dispelled the cloud that hung over 
his reputation in the Assembly. He was at length again taken into 
public favour, appointed to command and organize the volunteer 
troops of the Rhenish frotitier, and most ably fulfilled his task. 
Por these troops were not only enabled, in the subsequent campaigns, 
to defend the country against the allies, but also to gain victories 
over the well -disciplined Austrian and Prussian armies. 

Thus terminates the first volume of Carnot's Memoirs, which, 
though erroneous in many of its political views, and without much 
novel historical information, nevertheless gives many facts of the life 
and conduct of Carnot which it would be difficult, if not impossible, 
to find in other works. The author must be praised for his industry 
in collecting rare genealogical and family traditions, and for his clear 
account of Carnot's writings and political career. We trust that, in 
continuing the Memoirs, he may be enabled to furnish more that is 
new touching the great convulsion in which his hero was so great an 
actor. This will be no easy task, as the events of the period have 
been so often, so amply, and so well described by greater writers 
than himself. 



z z 



DIANE DE POITIEES. 



DIANE DE POITIERS.* 



The epoch which saw Henry II on the throne of France may be 
considered as the link between the middle ages andjmoderu times. 
Men were beginning to awake from a long sleep of barbarism and 
ignorance to the dawn of modern civilization — when well-organised 
and absolute monarchies were raised upon the chaos and tumult 
which had existed for nearly a thousand years— when art and science 
began to revive — when a new religion was propagated, when fierce 
contests between Protestants and Catholics prevailed, and when 
absolute or liberal ideas were the watch-word of contending'parties. 
It was fortunate for Europe, at such a crisis, that the chivalry of the 
old feudal barons did not degenerate as the courage and vigour of 
ancient empires decayed. Had it been otherwise, Europe would have 
been overrun with fresh hordes of barbarians, as on the fall of the 
Eoman empire ; or would have been subdued by the vigorous Ma- 
homed II, or by Suleiman the Magnificent. 

In Germany, the Eeformation had already commenced under 
Martin Luther and his followers ; the Smalkalde league had been 
formed to support the Protestant religion, and to resist the ambitious 
designs of Charles V of Germany, who had schemed for universal 
conquest, by attempting to unite the whole German empire under 
one head and one religion. For some time his plans proved suc- 
cessful; he vanquished the two most important Princes of the 
League, viz. the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, 
whom he led in triumph through Germany ; but was at length baffled 
by his general, Maurice, Duke of Saxony, who nearly succeeded in 



* Tres Haute et ties Puissante Dame, Diano de Poitiers, Duchcsse dc Valcn- 
tinois. Par M. Capefigue. Paris : Amyot, 8, Ruede la Paix. 1860. 



358 DIANE DE POITIEES. 

capturing the Emperor; forcing him to release the two captive 
princes, and sign, with the assistance of his brother Ferdinand, the 
disadvantageous treaty of Passau,"^ in 1552, which conferred many- 
privileges on the Protestants, and finally regulated the powers of the 
German princes, until the commencement of the thirty years^ war in 
1618. Besides the hostihty of these princes, Charles Y, in his 
German dominions, had to contend against the inroads of the Turks, 
who, but for the opposition they met with in Hungary and Austria, 
would probably have subdued the greater part of Europe. They 
were not at that period an enemy to be despised by the Christian 
nations around them ; as they had overrun the wliole of Asia Minor, 
conquered the Greek islands, and, under their monarch Mahomet II, 
taken Constantinople, and overthrown the Greek empire. Besides 
this, they had made themselves masters of Syria, reduced the Mame- 
lukes of Egypt to some degree of obedience to the Porte, and were 
now, under their accomplished sultan, Suleiman the Magnificent, the 
terror of the whole of Christendom. That Sultan, as is well known, 
twice during the reign of Charles Y, overran Hungary and the greater 
part of Austria itself, even appearing before the walls of Yienna. 
Thus the Turks continually alarmed Christendom, by their successful 
capture of the island of Ehodes from the Knights of St. John of 
Jerusalem, and their subsecjuent desperate invasion of the island of 
Malta, which had been given to them by the Emperor Charles Y, 
after the loss of Rhodes. 

In Italy, many republican towns had fallen during the two 
previous centuries, under the rule of some great family. At 
Milan, the Yiscontis, and the Sforzas ; and at Yerona and Padua, 
the Jm Scalas and the Grimalcis, were the reigning families. Yeuice 
was ruled over by its Doge, and Genoa was governed in a similar 
manner. The heads of the Doria family supported Charles Y, and 
usually contrived to be elected to the dignity of Doge. In Elorence, 
the Medici family had long sustained their supremacy ; and one of 
them was raised by the Emperor Charles Y to be the first Grand 
Duke of Tuscany. Lorenzo de Medici, the liberal patron of art and 
letters, invited many illustrious scholars to visit Plorence ; and, 
during his period, a new philosophy was introduced, and such authors 
and artists as Machiavelli, Leonardo da Yinci, and Michael Angelo, 
flourished. Again, at a somewhat later age, Elorence was distin- 
guished by the presence of the celebrated Guicciardini, the histo- 
rian of Italy at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 



* History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V, hy William Rohcrtson, D.D. 
-Londoa : Baldwyn and Co. 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 359 

The Papacy was filled, at the end of the fifteenth century, by 
two "very vigorous Popes. Alexander VI, of the famous house of 
Borgia (celebrated for its ambition, its immorality, and its gross 
crimes), was a man of great ability, having distinguished him- 
self as a lawyer and a soldier, previous to his entering the church. 
Pie it was who settled the famous dispute between the Spaniards 
and Portuguese as to the possession of their discoveries. His 
scandalous doings, however, much diminished the respect in which 
the Papacy and clergy were generally held, and thus prepared the 
way for the coming reformation. Julius II, his successor, was a 
warlike Pontiff, who added somewhat to the territorial possessions of 
the church by his wars, but who commenced that extravagance which 
was ultimately to destroy the Papal power in many countries beyond 
the Alps. Leo X, whose munificence to sculptors, painters, poets, 
and men of letters, at length obliged him to publish those indulgences 
which brought about the Eeformatiou in Germany and Switzerland, 
was the next Pontiff. He and Clement VII both belonged to the 
Medici family, and vastly increased the influence of that house. 
Althougli the latter was taken prisoner by the Emperor Charles V, 
and his capital handed over to the pillage of the Spanish soldiery 
for a period of eight months, the pontifical power was not 
crushed. The celebrated Catherine de Medici was a natural 
daughter of this Pope, and, as is well known, played a most 
important part in Prench history during the reigns of Henry 
II, Erancis II, Charles IX, and Henry III of Prance. To the first 
of these sovereigns she was wife, to the latter three, mother. 
Paul III, a Parnese, succeeded Clement VII. Bent only on 
amassing wealth for his own house, he obtained for it the Duchy 
of Parma. Paul IV, who filled the chair of St. Peter' during the 
earlier part of Henry IPs reign in Prance, was a haughty pontiff, 
possessed of all the absurd notions of power befitting a pope of 
the thirteenth century. 

The kingdom of the Two Sicilies had long been contested for by 
the houses of Anjou and Aragon. The claims of the former had been 
surrendered, by the last descendant of the house, to Louis XI ; and 
hence the origin of the wars which were for so long a period waged 
between Prance and the house of Austria in Italy. The two Sicilies 
were, however, at this period actually in the possession of Charles V 
of Germany, to whom they had been left by his grandfather, Perdinand 
of Aragon, whilst the territories of Piedmont and Savoy belonged to 
the Dukes of that name, who were scarcely looked upon as Italian 
sovereigns. 

The Swiss obtained their independence in the year 1307, 
but were not acknowledged by their Austrian oppressors, or indeed 



360 DIANE DE POITIERS, 

by any other state, as a free people until 1498, when their 
liberties were recognised by the Emperor Maximilian I, grand- 
father of Charles V, at a diet of the Empire. They were at this 
time, like all other countries of Europe, engaged in the disputes 
between Catholics and Protestants. Zuinglius, a Franciscan monk, 
wlio was shocked at the indecency of the sale of indulgencies carried 
on by his order, first preached amongst them against the errors of 
Eome ; and the Reformation was afterwards energetically carried on 
at Geneva by Calvin, a native of the south of France. Although 
Switzerland was a small state, and did not permit its people to make 
territorial conquests, yet they nevertheless repelled with success the 
invasion of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy ; and their miUtary 
skill and courage were held in such repute amongst neighbouring 
nations, that the Swiss were hired to fight, and thus early distin- 
guished themselves both at Eavenna and Marignano in the service 
of Maximilian. 

At the end of the fifteenth century, Spain had become a powerful 
state, by the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of 
Castile. The Moors had been driven out from their last stronghold 
at Grenada, and various places were taken from them in the north of 
Africa. The contest, however, between them and the Spaniards was 
continued through the greater part of the sixteenth century, and all 
the coasts of the Mediterranean were reduced to desolation by their 
famous piratical commander, Barbarossa. The wealth and power of 
Spain were further increased, at the end of the fifteenth and the 
beginning of the sixteenth centuries, by the discoveries of Columbus, 
Cortes, and Pizarro, in the new world; and by the marriage of 
Ferdinand's daughter with the Archduke Philip, son of the Emperor 
Maximilian by Mary of Burgundy, daughter and successor of Charles 
the Bold. Thus the Spanish crown became possessed of the rich 
inheritance of the Low Countries, Franche Comte, Artois, and 
French Flanders, as fiefs of the French crown. 

The Low Countries were preparing for that struggle which 
was to give them their civil and religious rights. Charles V, 
owing to his disappointment in the non-election of his son Philip 
to the dignity of king of the Eomans, which he hoped would have 
made him Emperor, and to his non-success in the scheme of uniting 
the whole of Germany under one head, and his ill-fortune in the 
wars with the Smalkalde league and Henry II of France, resolved to 
abdicate his German possessions in favour of his son Philip j retiring 
from the world, and enjoying some degree of rest and religious con- 
templation before his death."^ He accordingly relinquished the 
Empire to Ferdinand, in 1555, and the rest of his dominions in the 

• The Cloister Life of the Emperor Charles V, by "William Stirling. — London: 
J, Parker, "West Strand. 



DI/VNb: DE POITIKUS. 'iOl 

following year to his son Philip, who early engaged in war willi 
Henry II of France, and Pope Paul IV. 

The contemporaneous history of Europe at this period is, also, 
worth noticing. 

The Portuguese, during the fifteenth century, had been engaged 
in those discoveries along the coast of Africa which eventually led 
to the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope, in 1497, by the 
adventurous navigator, Vasco di Gama, and thus opened a new route 
to India, where the descendants of Tamerlane had founded the 
vast empire known as that of the Great Mogul. These discoveries 
destroyed the commerce of Venice and Genoa, and the other 
republics of Italy, through the old channels of Constantinople 
and Alexandria, and it is reported that the Venetians attempted to 
regain their lost commerce by cutting the Isthmus of Suez, a task in 
which they completely failed. 

England, during the fifteenth century, was engaged in quelling 
insurrections at home, and in wars with her French enemy abroad. 
The whole country was disturbed by the bloody contests between 
the rival families of York and Lancaster, in the W^ars of the Ptoses, 
which were happily terminated by the battle of Bosworth in 
1485, and by the marriage of Henry VII, the representative of the 
House of Lancaster, with Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edward IV, 
of the House of York. Henry VII, a cold, sagacious, and arbitrary 
monarch, was chiefly bent on amassing treasure, and defending 
his own rights to the throne, which were, notwithstanding his 
Imperial descent, of a very insecure nature. His foreign policy 
showed his real sagacity. He negotiated an advantageous mar- 
riage between his eldest daughter Margaret, and James IV of 
iScotland, which ultimately led to the two countries being brought 
under otie sovereign. Again, he united his son Arthur, and 
afterwards his son Henry, to Catharine of Aragon, daughter of 
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, then the most powerful sovereigns 
of Europe. The influence of the aristocracy had been greatly 
weakened by the many executions which took place during the Civil 
Wars ; and Henry VII and his son found it an easy matter to 
augment the prerogatives of the Crown, and to levy heavy taxes on 
the people without tlie assistance of Parliament, as the Commons 
were too weak to contend single-handed against the sovereign. Dur- 
ing Henry VIIFs reign, the power of the Crown made rapid strides, 
and became as absolute as any Oriental despotism. The king was 
capricious and tyrannical ; but he helped to establish the Eeform- 
ation in England, and had power enough to arbitrate between the 
two powerful sovereigns, Francis I and Charles V. He was followed 
by his two children, Edward VI and Mary. The one a weak prince, 

3 A 



362 DIANE DE POITIERS. 

who supported the policy of his father ; and the otlier, the incarna- 
tion of Eomish bigotry, and the wager of that unfortunate war with 
]?rance which deprived us of Calais. Her reign in England brings 
us to a period contemporary with that of Henry II of France, and 
his mistress, Diane de Poitiers. 

In Scotland, after several attempts had been made ineffectually 
to curb the power of the Barons, James IV attached them to his 
person by his courage and generosity ; and had it not been for 
his ill-fated expedition into England, and his unfortunate defeat 
and death, his reign would have been a glorious one for Scotland. 
James Y endeavoured to put down the authority of the nobility, by 
supporting the clergy ; and, according to Dr. Kobertson, this policy 
proved eminently successful, until his uncle, Henry VIII, called 
upon him to introduce the reformed religion, or to prepare for 
war. Unfortunately for himself, he preferred the latter alternative ; 
and as most of his nobles, besides being dissatisfied with his policy, 
adopted the new faith, they rebelled against him. James, in con- 
sequence, was disgusted, and returned to Edinburgh, where he died, 
leaving his crown to his unfortunate daughter, Mary Stuart, Queen 
of Scots. Mary of Guise became Regent in Scotland during the 
minority. The young princess had been betrothed to Henry's 
infant son, Edward ; but it was broken off, and the young princess 
was sent over to be educated at the Erench Court, preparatory to her 
marriage with Erancis II, son of Henry II, the devoted lover of 
Diane de Poitiers. 

As for the Northern Courts, they had as yet taken so small a 
share in European politics, that their history is insignificant. The 
Lutheran religion, however, was established in Denmark and 
Sweden; the Poles obtained a constitution, and the Muscovites 
threw off the Tartar yoke. As for Erance, most of its fiefs had 
been united to the Crown, under Louis XI, and the streiigth 
which the country thus gained was made good use of by Charles 
VIII, in asserting his claims to Naples and Milan. His wars, how- 
ever, and those of Louis XII and Erancis the Eirst, have been so 
well told by Monsieur Capefigue, in his work on the Renaissance, 
and in his Diane de Poitiers, as to render further remark un- 
necessary. Although Mons. Capefigue has chosen to call the work 
we are about to notice a " Life of Diane de Poitiers," it must not be 
supposed to contain her memoirs. Indeed, very little is said about 
her in the commencement of the book, though a fair history is 
given of the times in which she lived and exercised influence over 
the Erench Court. It is full of references to the chronicles, bal- 
lads, romances, and poems of those days ; and although differing in 
some of the views and statements from other historians, it is never- 
theless likely to be accurate, on account of the many documents 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 363 

from which it has been compilerl. We wish that the author 
liad given us a more detailed account of the early life of Diane 
de Poitiers, as we have scarcely any means of judging how her 
character was formed, or what influenced her in the adoption of 
her strong religious opinions. We are bound to be tolerant of 
her faults, as tliey occurred at a period when the chivalrous feeling 
of the middle ages was again attempted to be reviled, and gave 
rise to a strange state of mind even in our heroine. Although 
civihzation and learning were beginning to revive, and the philo- 
sophy and letters of the Greeks and Romans were being taught 
at the universities, good literature was only attainable by a few. 
Most of the gallant knights who distinguished themselves at the 
period were incited to deeds of daring by the perusal of the old 
romances of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries; and 
they seem to have revelled as much in the study of these pro- 
ductions as the old Arabians did in the Tales of Haroun al 
Easchid. The " Handbook of Chivalry" was an old romance called 
"The Eose," a legend of extreme length, composed in verse by 
different authors, and brought to perfection in the thirteenth century. 
Pilled with heroic sentiments, it stimulated the appetite for heroic 
deeds, and led to tlie surprising feats performed by Gaston de Eoix, 
Lautrecht, Bayard, Montmorency, and a host of other distinguished 
Paladins whom that mirror of chivalry, Prancis I, had drawn around 
him. 

After describing the families of the most illustrious knights, 
and the wars of Charles VIII and Louis XII in Italy, Mons. 
Capefique informs us that Jean de Poitiers, Seigneur de Saint Vallier, 
in Dauphine, a valiant knight, and inferior to none of the great 
men of those days in military prowess and chivalrous deeds, had a 
daughter born to him, on the 3rd of September, 1499, whom he 
named "Diane." Eemarkable in very early life for her love of 
chivalry and manly exercises, she is reported to have " rode a hunt- 
ing at the age of six years," and to have been " handy with the 
hawk and falcon." At the age of ten, she was betrothed to Louis 
de Breze, Corate de Maulevrier, a bastard descendant of Charles VII, 
whom she subsequently married. 

Having thus far touched on the early life of Diane de Poitiers, 
our author abruptly turns to the doings of Prancis I ;* no doubt a 
necessary historical digression, but one likely to confuse the general 
reader. He tells us that Francis I, son of the Due D'Angouleme 



* Cronique du Roy Francoys. Premier de cc nom. — Par Georges Geoffrey ; 
3 vols. Paris, Jules Renouard. 



•364 DIANE DE POITIEES. 

and Louise of Savoy, was born on the 12th of September, 1494,* 
and early distinguished for his love of wrestling, boxing, and all 
those manly exercises and sports which afterwards made him so 
great a favorite with his cousin, Louis XII, who, after losing his 
two sons, adopted him. An attachment soon sprang up between 
Prancis and a daughter of the king, named Claude, and they 
were united in marriage. This happy circumstance secured Erancis 
in the position of heir to Louis XII, and not only strengthened 
the bonds which already subsisted between the two families, but 
gained for the young monarch the rich inheritance which Ann of 
Brittany had brought to the French crown. Francis I succeeded 
Louis XII in 151 5, when he liad only reached the age of twenty-one 
years. On his accession, he at once resolved to continue those con- 
quests in Italy which had been made in support of the claims of 
Charles VIII and Louis XII, and declared war against the Emperor 
Maximilian, marched into Italy, and met his enemy on the famous 
field of Marignano. The contest was only decided in favour of the 
French after two days' hard fighting ; and we are told that Francis 
entered Milan in triumph, in which capital he first met the celebrated 
Leonardo da Yinci,t a man of considerable age, who still possessed 
those accomplishments for which he had been distinguished during 
his youth. Leonardo was, perhaps, one of the foremost men of his 
time ; for he united to his talents as a painter, consummate skill 
in the martial exercises of the day, and knowledge as a scholar aitd 
mathematician. His mechanical genius is associated with Francis the 
First's entrance into Milan, by his construction of a most wonderful 
automaton in the form of a lion, which met the monarch in the 
Grand Place, and did homage to him. If we arc to believe M. 
Capefigue, great rejoicings took place on the entrance of the 
French into Milan. Bells were rung in all the churches, the theatres 
were opened, and the inhabitants amused by every sort of public 
festivity, whilst Francis made himself popular amongst the Milanese 
by his support of the claims of the house of Sforza. We are led 
to believe that Leonardo da Vinci was much about the person of the 
sovereign, and accompanied him back to France, where he painted 
the royal portrait, together with that of La Ferrouniere, a favorite 
mistress of the king, thougli it does not appear that she ever 
acquired any political influence. 

The Field of the Cloth of Gold, and the meeting between Francis I 
and Henry VIII, are well described by M. Capefigue, though he falls 

* FranQois I, et la Renaissance, 1515 — 1547, par M. Capefigue. 4 vols. Paris: 
D'Amyot, 6, Rue de la Paix. 

t Memc'vie Storiclio su la Yita, gli studj dc la opere di Leonardo daVincL Per 
Carlo Amoretti. Milano, 1734. 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 365 

into an error, in stating that the three competitors for tlie imperial 
crown of Germany were Charles V, Henry VIII, and Francis I. No 
doubt the German and Erench sovereigns endeavoured to obtain it ; 
but it is the tirst time we have heard it asserted that Henry desired the 
crown for himself. The splendour displayed at the meeting of the two 
Icings, the amusements, the manly sports, and the insult which Francis 
offered to Henry by his greater skill in these exercises, are too well 
known to require further mention, though we cannot refrain from 
noticing the parallel which our author draws between the characters of 
the two monarchs, a parallel most partial, and much to the advantage 
of Francis. It is undoubtedly true that Henry, in his youth, possessed 
many of those manly qualities which are calculated to ingratiate a 
sovereign with his people ; though he was neither so frank nor so 
social as the French King. His passions were stronger, and his 
jealousy greater, and he was of a more arbitrary and violent temper 
than Francis. Charles V being the successful competitor for the im- 
perial crown, Francis could not control the annoyance lie felt at 
his rival's good fortune ; and, as might have been expected, an open 
rupture soon followed. Charles endeavoured to persuade Henry of 
England to join him against Francis, by supporting the claims of 
that ambitious minister Cardinal Wolsey to the papacy, and by 
giving him a share in the proposed partition of France. During 
the short interval of peace between the campaign of Marignano, 
and the resumption of hostilities, the Countess of Chateaubriant, a 
relative of Gaston de Foix, had become the mistress of Francis I, 
disposing of all posts, both military and political. She had ob- 
tained the appointment of Marshal Lautrec to the command of the 
Italian army, who did his best to maintain French influence in Italy, 
and to cover the important possession of Milan, when the wars 
opened between Charles and Francis. France was, however, first 
menaced on its Mediterranean shore by the imperial forces, and 
Francis marched on Lyons and Marseilles, in order to repel the 
attacks of the enemy ; but when he had reached Lyons, his further 
advance was checked by a very unexpected event at home, upon 
which our author expresses an opinion opposed to that of other 
historians. The Constable de Bourbon, by his youth, handsome 
person, courage and great military talents, having found favour in 
tlie eyes of the Duchess D'Angouleme, the mother to the king, this 
lady who had been left regent of the kingdom during the absence of 
Francis, made him an offer of marriage, and was indignantly refused 
by the Constable ; our author adding that it was his large fiefs that 
the Queen desired to obtain, and not his person. Be that as it 
may, his refusal so enraged her, that she ultimately obtained the 
confiscation of all his possessions. The Constable fully avenged 



866 DIANE DE POITIERS. 

himself for this unjust treatment, and secretly plotted with -the 
Emperor Charles Y against Prance, fortunately for the French 
king, however, the conspiracy was discovered in time, and the march 
of the French retarded, in order that Francis might take proper 
measures to secure his own authority. The Constable, immediately 
on finding that he was discovered, quitted the kingdom, went into 
the service of Charles Y, who received him with open arms, being 
glad thus to possess the services of the ablest captain of the age. 
Most historians have considered, with very good reason, that 
the conduct of Bourbon was treacherous. Monsieur Capefigue, 
however, endeavours to excuse him, by alleging " that, according 
to the feudal customs, a vassal who had had all his fiefs confiscated 
was no longer bound by an oath of allegiance to his liege lord." 
This legal plea will not, however, excuse the conduct of the Con- 
stable. That he had no means of protecting himself from the 
injustice of the Duchess D'Angouleme, there is no doubt j nor that, 
had he remained in his own country, he would have been reduced to 
beggary. N.everthfless he might have retired to some other land, 
and not have taken part with France's bitterest enemies. He 
was soon employed in Italy, by his new master, against the French 
forces under the command of Marshal Lautrec and the Chevalier 
Bayard, who were defeated on their retreat towards Milan. In 
this action, the most remarkable military character of the age, 
Chevalier Bayard, was killed. He was generally known by his 
comrades as the Chevalier " sans peur et sans reproclie." Many a 
knight at that day might have obtained the former appellation, but 
very few would have coupled with it the latter, for that was an age 
of broadest license and military ohtrage. Bayard was, however, but 
a poor general, and no match for such a chief as the Con- 
stable de Bourbon, with an army of Spanish troops. Arriving just 
as the Chevalier was expiring, Bourbon was, according to the 
chronicles of the day, severely blamed by the dying knight for his 
treachery. The French monarch soon entered Italy, and sat down 
before Pavia in the middle of winter, whilst Bourbon made every 
effort to collect an overpowering army of Germans and Spaniards, 
whom he encouraged by the promise of victory and the sacking of 
the eternal city. He soon completed his levees, and marched to 
attack the French camp before Pavia. Most of Francis's prudent 
officers advised a retreat ; but, with the true spirit of knight errantry, 
the French monarch considered it a point of honour not to raise the 
siege, and to stand his ground before the greater number of 
Spaniards. Bourbon contrived to convey to the garrison of Pavia 
the information that he was marching to their relief, and advised 
them to make a sortie on the French troops, A^iilst he was attacking 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 367 

them from without. The two armies met at a sliort distance from 
the town, and a severe conflict took place, in which both wing3 of 
the French army were cut off from its centre and routed. The 
King, mounted on a splendid charger, encouraged and rallied his 
men, until his horse was killed under him, and his troops were every- 
where overpowered. The few knights who surrounded his person, 
suggested as the wisest course a surrender to the Constable ; but the 
King's indignation against that chief was so great that he preferred 
to trust to Lannoy, to whom he at length succumbed. 

Francis was speedily removed to Madrid, and closely confined, 
though he was promised an immediate interview with the Emperor. 
This grace was, however, long delayed ; but when accorded, such 
severe conditions were imposed upon the .King, that Francis was 
unable to accept them. The victory of Pavia, and the capture of the 
King, had left France in much the same state as after the battle of 
Poitiers and the capture of John II. The peasantry everywhere rose 
against their lords and demanded their rights, which could not be 
conceded. The Queen-mother, who had been left Eegent, manfully 
contended against these internal disturbances, and set to work to 
prevail on the King of England to form an alliance witli herself and 
the Pope against Charles V. His Holiness rashly entered the field 
before his allies were ready for action, and thus gave Bourbon a still 
further reason for fulfilling his promise to the Spanish soldiery, of 
leading them to the sacking of Eome. As is well known, the Con- 
stable lost his life in the assault — an occurrence which so enraged 
his troops, that they committed unheard-of excesses, and kept pos- 
session of the town for nearly eight months. The Pope, shut up in 
the castle of St. Angelo, was at length obliged to surrender himself 
a prisoner into the hands of the Imperialists. The siege and sacking 
of E,ome have been most vividly described by Guicciardini, from 
whose account our author takes leave to difi'er, as unfavourable to 
tlie French. 

Charles V was well pleased with his success, and desired to 
transport the Holy Father to Madrid. He feared, however, to shock 
the feelings of his Spanish subjects, who were the most Catholic 
nation in Europe ; he therefore hypocritically ordered prayers to be 
read in all the churches of his dominions for the speedy deliverance 
of the Pontiff. It was, no doubt, this conduct that made Mr. Pres- 
cott declare " that most of Charles the Fifth's ambitious schemes 
were executed under the cloak of religion." M. Capefigue, also, 
observes, " II melait un respect affecte dans sa politique d'invasion 
et de conquet — rEmpereur aimait les grands captifs." 

"What the Emperor's religious views really were, was seen at a 
later period of his life, when he enforced the Interim in Germany. 



368 DIANE DE POITIERS. 

The death of the Constable somewhat facilitated negotiations between 
the two monarchs ; though we are at a loss to know where Oapefigue 
finds his references as to the correct details of the treaty. We never 
before heard of a separate kingdom having been demanded for the 
Emperor's general, thongh he is correct as to the other conditions 
of the truce. 

The close confinement to which Francis was subjected, brought 
on severe illness, which tended to an early settlement of affairs. 
Charles V feared that by the death of his prisoner he might lose all 
the advantages that he had acquired by his captivity ; he therefore 
willingly listened to the proposals of the Princess Margaret, who had 
left France to succour her imprisoned brother, attended by several 
court ladies. She watched over the political interest of France during 
her sojourn in Madrid ; and at length induced Francis to give his 
consent to the hard terms imposed upon him by the Emperor Charles 
V. He was required to give up all claims to Naples and Milan ; to 
return the Duchy of Burgundy to the house of Austria ; to relinquish 
all feudal right to the province of Franche Compte, Artois, and 
French Flanders; to pay 20,000 marks for himself; and render up 
as hostages his two sons, the Dauphin and the Duke of Orleans 
(afterwards Henry II), as pledges for the performance of the treaty. 
These terms were too severe to be carried out ; and it appears that 
even the Emperor entertained grave doubts as to the fulfilment of 
the conditions. Whilst accompanying the King to Fontarabia, 
where the exchange of prisoners was to take place, Charles remarked 
to Francis that he had acted throughout the treaty in the political 
spirit of a monarch, but that now he wished to obtain the word of 
Francis as a man of honour and a knight, that he would carry out 
the stipulated engagements. The King of France was rash enough 
to comply with this request, and thus injured his character as a 
man of honour. Historians have been somewhat justified in 
calling this conduct to the Emperor " base and treacherous/^ 
We think that the King had many faults, and should not be too 
harshly blamed. It is clear that he must have desired his free- 
dom, that he must have felt the awkward position in which both 
he and his country were placed, and have been anxious to escape 
from it at any sacrifice, however galling to his pride or injurious to 
his private character. Thus he consented, after much hesitation, to 
terms literally thrust upon him, the severity of which rendered them 
impossible of accomplishment. Charles, with all his sagacity and 
penetration, must have perceived that he would lose all by asking 
too much. He, however, like many another crafty politician, over- 
reached himself, by supposing that the King's confinement and the 
condition of the kingdom would induce his captive to purchase peace 
at any price. 



DIANE BE POITIERS. 369 

When Francis returned to Paris, he at once summoned the 
states of the province of Burgundy, and placed before them 
the conditions of the treaty which related to that duchy. They 
replied with indignation that they did not deserve to be given 
up to the House of Austria; whilst the Parliament of Paris, tlie 
greatest legal authority in the kingdom, decided that the King 
had no rigid to make the treaty, and that he was not bound to carry 
it out, as, at the time of contracting it, he was a prisoner in the 
hands of one of the contracting parties. Charles, however, de- 
manded, indignantly, that Prancis should keep his word, as a man of 
honour, if he did not choose to adhere to his negotiations as a 
sovereign. He sent a herald to Paris to challenge the Prench king 
to single combat. Prancis accepted the challenge, on condition that 
a place of meeting should be chosen where no interruption or unfair 
dealing could be possible. The Emperor chose Burgos ; but the 
Prench king, fearing that he might be again entrapped, declined the 
encounter. Charles, in consequence, declared war against Prancis 
and his ally, Henry Till of England ; and after some severe 
jRghting on both sides, and another siege of Marseilles, the Duchess 
D'Augouleme, mother to Prancis and Margaret of Austria, aunt of 
Charles Y, who had long administered tlie affairs of the Low Coun- 
tries with considerable vigour and ability, arranged the treaty of 
Cambrai, on much the same terms as had been offered to the King 
at Madrid. He gave up all claim to the two Sicilies, the Milanese, 
and every other part of Italy ; he relinquished the feudal rights to 
Pranche Comte, Artois, and Prench Planders ; he paid his ransom, 
and his sons were restored to their liberty. All the titles and 
lands held in Prance by the Constable de Bourbon were to be re- 
turned to his family. This treaty was fully assented to by both 
belligerents — both being unable to pay their armies. Prancis re- 
quired rest for himself and his dominions ; and Charles required 
leisure for maturing his ambitious schemes in Germany, and for 
crushing the dawn of the Reformation. All were glad of peace on 
any terms. 

After this long digression, Capefigue returns to his account of 
Court intrigue, and tells us that the Countess de Chateaubriant"^ had 
been disgraced even before the battle of Pavia, many supposing 
it to be the result of the machinations of Diane de Poitiers. 
Diane, however, was too young to have taken any active part 
at Court during that important period; as it appears that Made- 
moiselle de D'Heilly had succeeded Madame de Chateaubriant in 

* Histoire Tragique de la Comtessc de Chateaubriant ; par Pierre de Lexouvel. 
Amsterdam, 1714. — Francis I, et Madame de Chateaubriant; par Augustin Gottis. 
Paris, 1822, (Roman Historique.) 

3 B 



370 DIANE DE POITIERS, 

Francis' affectioiis since his return from Madrid, and that she was 
created Duchess D'Etampes, and became the^greatest supporter of the 
Calvinists in Erance. Clement Marot and Calvin — one the heroic poet 
of the day, and the other the great religious reformer — were com- 
manded by the Duchess to translate the Psalms into Erench, and to 
dedicate the book to the King, who had them sung at liis own cbapel. 
Diane, de Poitiers, on the other liand, who soon rose to power, as the 
mistress of the young Duke of Orleans, was a staunch friend of 
the followers of the old religion, and was strongly allied to the Duke 
of Guise and the House of Loraine. About this time, also, the 
Duchess D' Angouleme, mother of the King, died, and the Smalkalde 
League was formed in Germany, in 1532, to protect the reformed 
religion, arid furnish the King of Erance with formidable alHes 
against the Emperor of Germany. 

Erancis, during the leisure which was afforded to him by the 
treaty of Cambrai, encouraged artists and men of letters ; he was fond 
of architecture, ornamented many churches and buildings, and called 
to his aid Eosso, the famous Italian painter, together with many 
celebrated artists of that country. The King likewise encouraged 
the study of Greek literature and philosophy, and did much to 
revive the rude sciences of those early days. 

Our author gives us an interesting chapter on the general 
politics of the middle ages, during which, as he truly remarks., 
the chief aim of all European powers was to reconquer the Holy 
Land, and check Mahomedan ambition. It was therefore con- 
sidered the height of temerity on the part of Erancis I to 
ally himself with Suleiman the Magnificent. He was looked upon 
by the church as a great sinner, whilst combining with the heretic 
princes of the Smalkalde league, who, though they had seceded 
from Eomanism, were still Christians. The Pope, however, might 
forgive Francis for joining with heretics of his own religion ; 
but the union with the dreadful Musselman, the enemy of all 
Christian sects, was an unpardonable offence, which even Leo and 
Clement could not overlook. Although Francis had but small 
claims to territory in Italy, he yet desired to preserve influence in 
that country, and therefore negotiated a marriage with Pope Clement 
YII for his own son, the Duke of Orleans, and the young Catherine de 
Medici, the natural daughter of the Pontiff. This wealthy and power- 
ful family, though of low origin, had furnished many occupants to the 
chair of St. Peter, and had acquired many dignities by industry and ap- 
])lication. Ever eager to make noble and royal alliances, they were 
delighted at the opportunity thus afforded them of being connected 
with so old a house as that of Valois, and a sovereign of so powerful 
a country as France. The Princess being very young, it was agreed 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 371 

that she should spend some years at the Freiioh court previous to her 
nuptials. On arriving in France, she soon awoke to the fact that 
the young prince to whom she was affianced was under the absolute 
control of a mistress of nearly double his own age. But such 
a state of things scarcely affected the young Italian princess, who 
seems to have viewed the circumstance with indifference; as almost 
every great man, whether Lay or Ecclesiastic, at that period, had 
his mistress as well as his wife. Catherine, therefore, did not 
trouble about this, but rather endeavoured to learn the position of 
parties, and to gain the favour of Francis, Soon after her arrival, 
the King, who had suffered from a severe illness, received a request 
from Charles V for a safe conduct through his territory, as that 
monarch was on his way to the Low Countries, to quiet the turbulent 
risings in the towns of Ghent, Liege, and Bruges. This passport 
was at once granted, and the French King even went as far as 
the Chateau d'Ambroise, to meet the Emperor, all honours being 
paid by the authorities of the different towns and provinces through 
which he passed. During the royal interview there was much 
talk and intrigue, but no definite arrangement was come to, and 
Charles continued his journey to the Low Countries. Another 
war soon afterwards commenced between these two powerful and 
ambitious sovereigns. Charles put forth the whole might of his 
empire, and attacked France, together with his capricious ally, 
Henry VIII of England. Francis, on his side, put the country in 
a good state of defence, inarched towards the frontier with a 
brilliant army of knights and great nobles, and renewed his alliance 
with Sultan Suleiman and Barbarossa. Great gloom was thrown 
over the camp of Francis by the sudden death of the Dauphin, who 
was popular both with the army and the nation. His death was by 
some attributed to poison, administered by the agents of the Em- 
peror. This death, of course, conferred a higher position on the 
Duke of Orleans, and gave greater influence to Diane de Poitiers at 
Court. The war that followed was long and bloody, but neither 
belligerents acquired much by it ; and the Pope, Paul III, fearing 
its consequences, endeavoured to bring about a compromise, which 
he at length accomplished. The terms were much the same as those 
agreed on at the treaty of Cambrai, with the exception that it was 
proposed that the Dauphin should now marry the Arch-duchess, 
daughter of Ferdinand, King of the Romans, and niece of the 
Emperor Charles V ; and that several provinces were to be conceded 
to the King of France as her dowry. It was rather extraordinary 
that these matrimonial negotiations should have been proposed and 
that Catherine de Medici should have been abandoned ; it is still 
more curious that a princess, who afterwards exercised such influence 



372 DIANE DE POITIERS. 

over French politics, should have been treated with so much indiffer- 
ence. Francis was, however, induced to put Catherine aside, for the 
brilliant prospects of territorial aggrandisement. 

An irregular life and grave disease now began to make great in- 
roads on the constitution of the French King, and although he had 
only reached the age of fifty-two, he was an old man in feeling and 
habits. His only amusement was that of the chase, in which he was 
accompanied by Catherine, who had, after all, married the Dauphin. 
He also took great delight in decorating his palaces, and beautifying 
Paris, adding much to Fontainbleau, his chief residence during the 
latter years of his reign. He likewise collected works of art, and 
encouraged native artists and sculptors. 

Francis I expired in the month of March, 1547. His death 
made a great change both in the interior policy of the country and 
in the Court. Diane de Poitiers, now nearly forty years of age, 
became the absolute mistress of the sovereign, having lost none of the 
charms for which she had been so famous in her youth. She com- 
pletely overcame the Duchesse d'Etampes, and was herself created 
Duchesse de Valentinois, with a large dowry from the royal domain. 
United as she was to the Guise and the Montmorency faction, she did 
everything to elevate the supporters of the old faith, and to persecute 
the Protestants. The strongest measures were therefore adopted 
against heretics ; and those wars which took place during the sub- 
sequent reigns may be attributed to the policy which was pursued 
towards the unfortunate Huguenots. So great was the influence 
which Diane de Poitiers exerted over the chivalry of the period, 
that a deadly conflict was entered into between the valiant knights. 
La Chataignerie and Jarnac, as to who was most worthy of support, 
Diane, or the Duchess D'Etampes. 

Contrary to all precedent, the King and his whole Court was 
present, and the ground was prepared as for a tournament ; Jarnac 
being victorious, in spite of the wishes and sympathies of the Court, 
Henry II was thus obliged to accept the life of La Chataignerie, 
who died of wounds and vexation at the chateau of the Duke of 
Guise. 

The Eenaissance was much developed in the days of Henry II and 
Diane de Poitiers. Hunting, sporting, literature, the fine arts, and 
chivalry being everywhere supported and encouraged. Montaigne, 
Brantome, and Nostradamus, three of the most renowned scholars 
and writers of the day, basked in the sunshine of royal favour, whilst 
the palaces of Chambord, Chenonceaux, and Anet became little less 
than museums of arts and curiosities. The love and affection of the 
King for Diane de Poitiers seemed to increase as years rotled on. 
" Le roi portait publiquement ses couleurs, la devise de ' donee 



DIANE DE POITIERS. 373 

totum implicit orlem' sous un crossant plac6 sur les monnais 
s'appliquait ^ Diane de Poitiers, qui elle meme avait pris pour devise 
le cheffre de Henri. Dans quelques medailles on voit Diane foulant 
au pied un amour avec cette Idgende : ' omnium vidorem vinci.' " 
He bestowed upon her the beautiful chateau d'Anet, the work of 
the architect, Delorme, and founded in Diane's name a hospice for 
fifteen poor widows. 

The death of Henry II is thus related by Mons. Capefigue : — 

" Les manages d'Elisabeth de France et de Philippe II, roi 
d'Espagne, et de Marguerite, sceur de Henri II, avec le due de 
Savoie, venaient de s'accomplir, Mai 1559. A Toccasion de ces 
manages, un tournois avait %ii annonc6 par des messagers, selon 
I'antique usage, dans toutes les cours d'Espagne, d'Angleterre, 
d'Ecosse, d'ltalie. 

" Le lieu fixe pour la lice fut encore la rue Saint-Antoine, entre 
les Tournelles et la Bastille. II y eut multitude de dames et de 
preux chevaliers. Apres cent lances brisees, le roi voulut lui-meme 
courir contre un capitaine de la garde ecossaise du nom de Mont- 
gomery. Brantome rapporte qu'avant le tournoi, Henri II s'etait 
fait tirer son horoscope en presence du connetable Anne de Mont- 
morency, et qu'on lui avait aunonce qu'il serait tue en duel ; alors 
le roi se tournant vers le connetable, lui dit : ' Voyez, mon compare, 
quelle mort m'est pr^sagee. Comment, sire, lui repondit le fier 
connetable, vous, vous pouvez croire a ces marauds qui sont menteurs 
et bavards ; faites-moi jeter cela au feu. N'import, compere, je la 
garde, mais j'aime autant mourir de cette maniere-1^, pourvu que ce 
soit de la main d'un chevalier brave et noble.'' Paroles loyales 
dignes d'un Valois. 

" I/horoscope n' avait done point arr^te ce roi qui entra fierement 
dans la lice ; Henri mit done la lance hautement en arrSt contre 
Montgomery, qui, fort colere de voir sa propre lance brisee dans le 
choc, atteignit durement le roi da tron^on a la visiere au-dessous de 
I'ceil, et lui fit une plaie profonde. On crut d'abord la blessure peu 
dangereuse; bientot, elle s'empira et le roi fut en danger de mort. 
Ce fut un grand deuil autour de ce lit de douleur deja les ambitions 
s'agiterent. Avec la vie et le pouvoir de Henri II devait s'effacer et 
disparaifcre I'influence de Diane de Poitiers, et Catherine de Medicis, 
si longtemps releguee dans les plaisirs et les arts, devenait reine et 
regente." (Henry 11 died 10th of July, 1559, after a reign of 
thirteen years.) 

" Aussi fit-elle donner avis a la duchesse de Valentinois qu'elle 
eut a se retirer de L oour ; Diane, avec beaucoup de diguite, 
demanda si le roi etait mort : ' Non, madame, mais il ne passera pas 
la journee. Je n'ai done point encor de maitre ; que mes ennemis 



374 DIANE DE POITIERS. 

sachent que je ne les crains point ; quand le roi ne sera plus, je serai 
trop occupee de la douleur de sa perte pour que je puisse etre sensi- 
ble aux chagrins qu'on voudra me donner/ Diane avait toujours 
eu un langage plein de dignite et de fierte, meme envers Henri II. 
Quand le roi voulat legitimer sa fille, Diane lui dit : ' J^etais nee 
pour avoir des enfantes legitimes de vous ; je vous ai appartenue 
parce que je vous aimais, je ne souffrirai pas qu^uu arret du parlement 
me declare votre concubine/ 

" Apres la mort de Henri II, Diane de Poitiers se retira au 
chateau d'Anet, ou eUe vecut dans le deuil et la solitude la plus 
absolue, eonservant aupres d'elle ses amis les plus intimes, les Mont- 
morency et les Guise, ces grandes races/^ 

The influence of Diane de Poitiers was entirely destroyed by the 
death of Henry II, and she retired to the Chateau d'Anet, wliere 
she lived in the greatest seclusion, until her death in 1556. Bran- 
tome is said to have seen her some ten years after this event, and to 
have left on record that he was much struck by her surpassing 
beauty, even at her advanced age. She only once emerged from her 
retirement, in order to assist Catherine in obtaining the support of 
the house of Loraine. Of course, the regency fell into the hands 
of Catherine de Medici, during the minority of her sons, who, 
according to Capefigue, possessed great moderation, and endeavoured 
to govern by well balancing parties against each other. We should 
rather say that Catherine must have had sufficient cunning to carry 
out the old adage that " to divide was to govern." 

In concluding our lengthened remarks on this period of history, 
we may observe that M. Capefigue shows both learning and research 
in his little work. Its chief defect, however, lies in the paucity of 
detail as to the private actions and motives of Diane de Poitiers. 
It is too confused and too complicated in its arrangement ; and 
embraces a period of history which requires as many volumes as 
Capefigue has pages. It is, however, a well-written, amusing 
summary of the times, the monarchs, the persons of distinction, 
and the favourites who for more than half a century held a pro- 
minent position in the history of Europe. 



AGNES SOEEL. 



AGINES SOREL.* 



Ip we are apt to look upon the sixteenth century as one of the 
most important and interesting periods of history, when litera- 
ture, art, and science began to revive ; when a new faith was propa- 
gated, new lands discovered, and solid forms of government esta- 
blished, after the ignorance and turmoil of the middle ages; we 
should also remember that such events were only brought about after 
the long struggles and trials of two previous centuries. Other- 
wise, we are scarcely able to understand how the papacy and the 
clergy generally throughout Europe, after attaining to vast power, 
gradually declined, and in many countries lost all influence — how 
the extensive monarchies of the sixteenth century took the place of 
the domains and fiefs possessed by the great feudal barons ; and how 
it was that, instead of the precarious service of vassals and re- 
tainers, monarchs formed and disciplined large armies. In this 
intermediate period of history, we shall find that the sovereign 
power was much curtailed by the nobles, that the internal peace 
of various European dominions was continually disturbed by family 
broils, and that the powerful rulers were forced to employ such 
levies as captains of adventurers or condottieri could bring to their 
standard. The destitute condition of these condottieri made them 
dependent on their employers, as their whole fortune lay in their 
sword, their achievements on the field of battle, and the plunder 



* Agnes Sorel et la Chevalerie. Par M. Capefigue. Paris, 1846. Amyot, 
Rue de la Paix. 

Eloge d' Agnes Sorel, surnorame la belle Agnes. Par T. H, Eiboud. Lyons, 
1785. 

Notice sur Agnes Sorel, &c. &c. Par Quintin Craufurd. Paris, 1819. 

Essai Critique sur I'Histoire de Charles VII, d' Agnes Sorel, et Joanne D'Arc, 
Par Josepb Delort. Paris, 1824. 

Histoire d' Agnes Sorel et de Madame de Chateauroux. Par J. N. Quatremere 
de Roissy. 

3 c 



378 AGNES SOREL. 

they acquired from their enemies. Thus they became far more 
serviceable troops than feudal levies, and could be depended upon 
at all times. Another cause of the decay of the baronial power was 
the oppression of the people, who, on most occasions, sided with 
the sovereign against their lords. Although the people thus gained 
many privileges, they were not sufficiently strong to retain the liber- 
ties they had acquired ; and it was owing to this state of things that 
the vast and absolute monarchies of the sixteenth century were 
formed. 

The decrease of the Papal authority during the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries, was partly owing to the abortive efforts of 
Boniface the Eighth to obtain temporal as well as spiritual control 
over the dominions of Philip IV of France, a policy which ended in 
his own captivity and death, and which occasioned the subsequent 
removal of the chair of St. Peter from Rome to Avignon. Here it 
remained for seventy years, during the greater part of which period 
the schism in the church, and the quarrels between the two Popes, 
greatly diminished the respect in which the papacy and the clergy 
had hitherto been held. Added to such a state of things, a spirit of 
enquiry was growing up consequent on the advance of literature and 
knowledge, and the road was thus being gradually prepared for the 
Reformation of the sixteenth century. 

At the period when Agnes Sorel lived and flourished, England 
and France occupied the most prominent positions in Europe. 
Italy also was important, as the residence of the Pope, and as the 
country where liberal government was most developed ; where 
the original idea of the European Balance of Power was first 
adopted in the wars of its various republics; where commerce 
was carried on with the Levant and the East, through Con- 
stantinople and Alexandria ; and where the compass was first dis- 
covered, and navigation improved. Nevertheless, Italy took but 
little or no part in the politics of countries beyond the Alps. 
Germany was too much distracted by the disputes of its electors 
for the dignity of the Imperial Crown, too much engaged in the 
Hussite wars in Bohemia, and in the contests against Tartars 
and Turks, to admit of the German nation or its imperial chief 
meddling in foreign policy. The Spaniards were occupied in con- 
flicts with the Moors, whom they had driven into their last stronghold 
of Granada ; though they were not yet sufficiently united to form a 
powerful state, capable of taking a part in general European politics. 
The Portuguese were, during the whole of this period, partly engaged 
in asserting their independence, and partly in prosecuting their dis- 
coveries along the western coast of Africa. The Scotch could not 
be said to take much interest in the general policy of Europe, as 



AGNES SOllEL, 370 

tlieir chief endeavour, mider Eobert Bruce, David II, Robert II and 
III, and James I and II, was to repel invasions, and to make in- 
roads into the north of England. Their only connection with 
continental states was through France; and a long and close 
alliance was maintained between the two countries, until Scotland 
was united, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, to 
England. 

The wars between England and Erance, from the days of Philip 
Augustus and Eichard Cocur de Lion, down to those of Charles YII 
and Henry YI, are so well known that it will be unnecessary hereto 
enter into further details. England was making steady progress 
during all this period, and acquiring those privileges which served as 
a foundation on which to establish a liberty, which was afterwards 
acquired in the seventeenth century. The preaching of John Wick- 
lifi'e, and the opinions of the Lollards, prepared the way for the 
Eeformation, just as the preaching of John Huss and Jerome of 
Prague cleared Germany and Bohemia of Papal error. It is beyond 
our subject to notice the doings of the northern powers, as they took 
scarcely any share in the general affairs of Europe, They were 
chiefly occupied in wars amongst themselves, in e&tablishing a free 
constitution, and in prosecuting discoveries in the northern seas. 
Poland was allied M'ith Germany by having chosen several of the 
Emperors of that country to be their sovereigns. Muscovy was 
hardly an European state ; whilst the Turks were rapidly progressing 
in their conquests against the Byzantine Empire. 

Mons. Capefigue has furnished us with an excellent resume of 
the period, in the work now under consideration, a volume which 
we earnestly recommend to all lovers of history. After a pre- 
liminary notice of the early history of Erance and England, 
Mons. Capefigue turns to the consideration of the life and times 
of Agnes Screl, a sketch which is in every way worthy of 
perusal, and which forms a valuable addition to his best of 
Essays on "Les Eeines de la main Gauche." He commences 
his sketch by asserting that, " notwithstanding the arguments of 
many modern writers, the middle ages were w^anting in interest, 
owing to their remoteness, their general barbarism, and the cruelty 
of their chief characters." " I was more pleased,^' says he, 
" with the study of these ages, when I saw in them a stirring 
period, in which much that was great and vigorous in the general 
character of European nations was formed." Thus he came to 
choose the times of Agnes Sorel as being the most interesting of 
those agesof chivalry, when Charles YII had to fight for the very exist- 
ence of his kingdom against the English, who were then in actual pos- 
session of the whole of the north of Erance, and when Agnes Sorel 



380 AGKES SOUEL. 

was the pleasing figure round which was grouped many grand his- 
torical characters. 

M Capefigue begins his narrative at the period when Charles 
YI became acquainted wiili his wife, Isabella de Baviere, who 
visited France on a pilgrimage. The King was so struck with her 
appearance, while performing her devotions at the altar, and so 
smitten with her charms, that he soon after made her an offer of mar- 
riage, and- the ceremony was solemnized with great pomp at Amiens, 
on the 11th of July, 1385. A handsome and intriguing womart, 
Isabella soon made use of her husband's incapacity to establish her 
oM'n influence. The manner in which Charles YI first became insane 
is then fully detailed, and does not differ from the general narrative 
given of it by other historians. It appears that while on an expedition 
in Brittany, " echauft'e pas une longue route, et pas les rayons 
d'un soleil brulant," a curiously dressed man suddenly appeared 
before the King, who, seizing the reins of his horse, cried out, 
" Roi, on te trahit ! " Such was the impression produced on the 
monarch, that it threw him into a hopeless state of insanity, which 
continued throughout the whole of his reign. He now hated as much 
as he had previously loved his beautiful queen, and indulged in 
several indiscriminate amours ; his chief mistress being the daughter 
of a horse-dealer, named Odetta. She it was who first thought 
of diverting the king's mind, by teaching him the new game of 
cards then just invented. Odetta was seventeen; the King, 
twenty-five. Isabella at once deserted her husband, and amused 
herself, at a private house in Paris, with balls, masquerades, and 
other entertainments, being surrounded by many lovers, the chief of 
whom was the Duke of Orleans, the king's cousin. The govern- 
ment during this period was in the hands of the Dukes of Burgundy 
and Berri, the King's uncles, in whom the regency had previously 
been centred during the minority, and who thus contrived to regain 
their influence alter the insanity of the sovereign was established. 
The Duke of Burgundy, jealous of the power of the Duke of 
Orleans, caused that noble to be assassinated on leaving the King's 
residence. Thus the dispute commenced between the Burgundian 
and Armagnac, or Orleans party (so called from Marshal Count 
Armagnac, son-in-law of the Duke of Orleans, who succeeded that 
leader). This scene is well described by our author, who remarks : — 

"Ce jeune prince sortait de I'hotel de la reine Isabeau, rue 
Barbette; il etait Luit heures du soir, le couvre-feu etait soune, les 
rues etaient desertes ; Monseigneur, frere du E,oi, netait suive que 
de quelques pages on varlets. Une troupe de gens armes le preci- 
pita sur le due d'Orleans, qui fut tue a coups de hache et de 
poiguard. Quelques jours a])res, le due de Bourgogne vint de- 



AGTNES SOEEL. 3Sl 

clarer audaceusement que le coup avait ete fait par ses ordres, afin 
de veiiger Fhonneur du lioi et de soulager le peuples de Paris/' 

The queen, who should have supported the Armagnacs, changed 
her opinions for some unaccountable reason, and allied herself with 
the Duke of Burgundy ; whilst her son Charles, who had, since the 
death of his two elder brothers, become the Dauphin, joined the Ar- 
magnac party. He had only reached the age of fourteen, and was, 
therefore, almost too young to be aware of the part he was playing in 
these unhappy disputes. The Armagnacs and Burgundians, however, 
alternately obtained power, and deluged Paris with blood, until a 
great blow was struck against the latter by the murder of the Duke 
of Burgundy, on the bridge of Montereau. This was an unfortu- 
nate step both for the Dauphin and for the kingdom of Prance, as 
it alienated from the young prince the successor of the Duke of 
Burgundy, and made him a ready ally of the enemies of the 
country, the English, whenever they should invade it. 

One of the most formidable characters now appears on the stage, 
in the person of Henry V of England, who, landing in Normandy, 
in the year 1415, gains the celebrated victory of Agincourt, and 
kills the Duke Alengon, brother to the King, together with a large 
number of valiant Prencli knights, a circumstance which, as our 
author remarks, " damaged the prestige of Prench chivalry." Cape- 
figue now goes back to the fourteenth century, to read a lecture 
on the Salique law, and the motives which led to the wars of Ed- 
ward III, whose claims to the Prench crown descended to Henry V. 
He tells us that Philippe le Bel had three sons and a daughter ; 
Louis, who succeeded his father, left two daughters, who gave up 
their rights in favour of Philip V, their uncle, who also arranged 
that his daughters should relinquish their right in favour of Charles 
IV, who in his turn, leaving only a daughter, was succeeded by 
Philip, Count of Valois ; the Parliament of Paris having declared 
that no female or her issue should hereafter occupy the throne of 
Prance. Edward III of England, notwithstanding, laid claim to the 
Prench crown through his mother, Isabella, daughter of Philip the 
Pair, and proceeded to assert his claims by force of arms. As is 
well known, he defeated Philip at Cressy, in 1346, and took Calais 
at the same period. His son, the Black Prince, afterwards gained 
a still more brilliant victory over the Prench at Poitiers, when John 
II, King of Prance, was made prisoner, and was forced to sign the 
ignominious treaty of Bretagny, by which nearly the whole of the 
south of Prance was given up to the Enghsh, and 400,000 crowns 
were to be paid as a ransom for the Prench king. This treaty 
was never carried into etfect ; and John, much to his honour, re- 
turned to England, where he died, in order that the difficulties con- 



382 AGNES SOREL. 

cerning his ransom rniglit be settled. Charles, afterwards Charles V 
of Fraucey surnamed the Wise, was apjDointed Regent during his 
father's imprisonment in England. He had great difficulties to con- 
tend with, the country being everywhere infested with disbanded 
soldiers, who lived by plundering the inhabitants ; whilst the pea- 
santry everywhere rose against their lords; the King of Navarre 
caballed with the English, and even for some period acknowledged 
Edward III as his liege lord. The Eegent, however, was soon re- 
leased from the first of these troubles by Bertrand du Guesclin, who 
collected the soldiers into what were called " the companies of ad- 
venturers ^ and joined the service of Henry of Aragon. That re- 
nowned knight and enemy of England was the theme of all writers 
of the period, and still holds a most conspicuous position in the 
annals of chivalry. His name is even now so revered in Prance, 
that the sonnets and poems dedicated to his memory, have all been 
preserved in the Imperial hbrary, and published in two large volumes, 
in the collection of " Documents Inedits," under the title of La Vie 
vaillant Bertran du Guesclin. The poem by Cuvelier, "Trouvere," 
of the fourteenth century, published by M. Charriere, is by far the 
most interesting of these works, as it gives tiie life and doings of the 
Marshal, from his birth at the Chateau de la Motte de Bron, his first 
exploit at the siege of Eennes, Dinan, and Melun, his succour of 
Charles of Blois, the battle of D'Aurai, the negotiations with the 
" grandes compagnies," and the operations in Spain, to the period 
when he is named " Conn^table," his doings at Rochelle, and his ill- 
ness and death, after the siege of Chateau-Neuf de Randon."^ 

Alui n'etait chevalier comparable. 
De prouesse son vivant, ce dit-on 
Ne qui tant fust ni ton ne convenable 
Pour gouverner le bon peiiple charton, 
Or, il est mnrt Dieu I'y fasse pardon 
Qu'il plust a Dieu qu'il vecust encore 
Pour defendre du Leopard felon. 

MSS. Biblioth Imperiale. 

A rising of the peasants, or Jacquerie, was put down as soon as 
Charles Vs authority became more vigorous, and the King of Navarre 



* Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin, par CuTelier, Trouvere du XIV Siecle, 
publie, pour la premiere fois, par E. Charriere, tome ii. Collection de Documents 
inedits sur I'Histoire de France, publie par ordre du Roi, et par les soins du Ministre 
de r Instruction Publique. Premier Serie, Histoire Politique. 

Histoire de Bertrand du Guesclin, Connetable de France et de Castile ; par N. 
de Freminville, Paris, 1841. * 

Anciens Memoirs du XIV Siecle, depuis peu decouverts, on Ton apprend des 
a ventures les plus surprenantes et les circon stances les plus curieuses de la vie de 
B. du Guesclin; pai" Jacques LefebArre. Douai, 1692. 



AGNES SOllEL. 383 

joined the Regent after he had been proclaimed sovereign. Although 
Charles V wrested from the English many of their conquests, he was 
never able completely to drive them out of Prance ; and the Duke of 
Gloucester, uncle to Richard II of England, made a successful 
inroad into Erance, from Calais. No permanent acquisitions were, 
however, obtained ; and Richard II and Henry IV were too much 
occupied with the troubles of their own dominions, to pay attention 
to Erencli affairs. It was therefore reserved for Henry V of England, 
after Agincourt, to complete the conquests that had been made by 
Edward III. A still more disadvantageous treaty than that of 
Bretagny was now effected, as Henry was supported by the influence 
of the wife of Charles VI (Isabella of Bavaria) and the Duke of 
Burgundy. By this peace Henry became King of France, after the 
death of the reigning sovereign, and was to marry the youngest 
daughter of the Erench monarch. Princess Catherine. The death of 
Henry, however, taking place a few weeks before that of Charles 
VI, the rights were conceded to Henry VI of England, who was 
proclaimed King of France with great solemnity at Paris. The 
Duke of Bedford was at once appointed Regent in France during the 
minority, and no better liian could have been found to carry on the war 
in that country. He was the most accomplished Prince of his age, 
possessed great administrative abilities, and had learnt the art of 
war in the excellent school of his brother, E[enry V. The wliole of 
the north of France, with the exception of a few towns, was in 
the hands of the English. Charles VII held his court at Bourges, 
but, although supported by the south of France, could hardly be 
called a King; as he alone depended upon his sword and the small 
force he could gather around him to support his tottering position. 
M. Capefigue gives us a better account of the sources from which 
Charles VIFs troops were drawn than any modern historian. They 
were composed of the French companies of adventurers, the descend- 
ants of those bauds which Du Guesclin had led into Aragon ; of 
Lombard levies, under Ludovico Sforza; of Bretons now allied to 
the French King, who had always most cordially hated the Anglo- 
Norman nobles, since the days of Philip Augustus, and the cruel 
murder of their young Duke Arthur by John of England ; and by 
the brave Scotch Archers of the Guard, led by a member of the 
powerful house of Douglas. These troops, though gallant and for- 
midable, were no match for the English barons, commanded by such 
generals as the Earls of Suffolk, Salisbury, Harwich, Talbot, and a 
host of other brave leaders. In this critical state of affairs, the in- 
dolent though able Charles VII was roused to fresh efforts by the 
chivalry and deVotion of certain illustrious females, amongst whom 
Agnes Sorel, or Soreau, held the most prominent position. 



384 AGNES SOREL. 

She was the daughter of Jean Soreau, Seigneur de Codun, Ecuyer 
du Comte de Clermont, a Knight of Champagne, and of surpassing 
beauty and accomplishments. She was early appointed one of the 
Dames d'Honneur to the Qaeen, in that capacity became known to 
Charles YII, and quickly acquired a strong influence over him. At 
the period of her arrival at the French court, she was, according to 
Capefigue, only seventeen years of age. This must be an error, as he 
previously states that she was born in 1409 at Fromenteau in Tou- 
raiue. Thus she must have appeared at Charles's court either in 1422 
or 1423, which would only make her fourteen or fifteen years of age. 
Be that as it may, she appears to have played quite as important a part 
in the history of his reign as any man or woman of the period, and 
she exercised more power over Charles YII than even the Queen her- 
self. " Les traits d'Agnes nous ont ete aussi tres-imparfaitement con- 
serves, on pent juger neanmoins qu'elle avait le front haut et pur (elle 
etait alors appelle la demoiselle de Fromeneau) les yeux vifs et bleux 
surmontes de longs cils et de laugoureuses paupieres ; le nez d'une 
grande perfection ; la bouche mignonne, le cou, les epaules le sein 
d'une forme et d'une blanclieur incomparable, 

' Agn^s, la belle Agnes deviendra le surnom, 
Tant que de la beaute, beaute sera le nom.' 

Et avec cette beaut6, le plus gentil esprit du monde, et sa parole 
etait si au-dessus de celle des autres femmes qu'elle 6tait regardee 
comme un prodige." 

We have a touching picture of the poverty of Charles's courtduring 
his residence at Bourges. His repasts were of the simplest kind, he 
and his followers being often obliged to content themselves with a 
dish of ill-fed and ill-cooked mutton, or some other common food. 
Our author likewise gives us a dissertation on the bravery of Dunois, 
Lahire, Xaintrailles, Tannegui, and the other chiefs of the company 
of adventurers who assisted Charles VII. 

It was during Charles the Seventh's reign that the Frendh were 
rendered famous by the visitation of a supposed heavenly messenger, 
in the person of Jeanne d'Arc, who appeared at Chinon, on the 24th 
-of February, 1429. " Tout-a-coup se repandit le bruit qu'une 
jeune fille venait d'arriver k Chinon, pour parler au roi Charles VII ; 
elle avait eu, disait-on, des revelations divines ; elle annon^ait qu'elle 
etait destiufee a faire lever par les Anglais le siege d'Orleans, puis 
conduire le gentil roi a I'eglise de Saint Eemi de Rheims.""^ She 
would never have been able to achieve great exploits but for the ignor- 
ance and superstition of the times ; there being little doubt that the 
French mainly owed their subsequent successes to the credulous feel- 

* Histoire de la Pucelle de Vaucouleurs ; par Mods, do Laverdi. Paris^ 



AGNES SOREL. 385 

ing of their troops, whilst the English, after one or two defeats, con- 
sidered their cause as an unlucky one, in which no skill or bravery on 
the part of leaders or men could avail. The account given by 
Mons. Capefigue of this celebrated woman does not materially differ 
from that of other historians. He tells of her low origin — how she 
gained great skill in horsemanship at a roadside cabaret, at which her 
fatlier worked, and how she early possessed a dreamy idea " that she 
was appointed by Heaven to deliver the King of France from his 
English enemies, to raise the siege of Orleans, and finally to con- 
duct the monarch to Rheims, there to behold his coronation by 
the Archbishop." All these achievements were no sooner accom- 
plished, than her good fortune failed her ; and though she displayed 
her usual bravery, she was denied the enthusiasm of her countrymen, 
and, as is well known, was at length made prisoner by the English 
commanders, tried by coui't- martial, and condemned to be burnt as a 
witch. This our author seems to consider a sentence that would not 
have been passed by any but English judges, "that it was one par- 
ticularly suited to the dark and superstitious views of an Anglo- 
Saxon mind." 

Monsieur Capefigue now makes good his promise of giving 
us some new historical information. In fact, we have nowhere 
previously seen so detailed an account of the mode in which 
the English government in France was carried on during the 
regency of Henry V (in the lifetime of his father-in-law, Charles 
"VI), and afterwards during that of the Duke of Bedford. Our own 
writers assert that the Enghsh made great conquests in France, until 
they reached Orleans, and most of them agree that the Duke of Bed- 
ford was an accomphshed and popular leader; but here their narra- 
tive stops short. Neither Hume nor Hallam have informed us 
how Bedford governed the country he had subdued, and only 
tell us that his authority was undermined as soon as the Duke 
of Burgundy and Charles Yll were reconciled. M. Capefigue 
has, however, through the medium of authentic documents, given a 
good idea of the government of the English at Paris. From him we 
learn that our countrymen were even popular amongst the citizens of 
thai capital, who preferred them to their own overbearing barons — 
that both Henry and the Duke of Bedford introduced similar 
municipal privileges to those of England; and we are given 
proof that, had the Duke of Bedford lived longer, and extended 
his French conquests, he would have bestowed permanent liberties 
on France. These documents also furnish the details of the 
accession of Henry VI, which was carried out with due legal form, 
all honour being paid to the remains of his grandfather, Charles 
VI, whose ashes were buried in the church of the Abbey St. 

3 D 



386 AGNES SOllEl.. ^ 

Denis, together with tliose of his ancestors. How Henry VI made 
a journey to France by way of Havre — how lie went to Eouen 
Avhere he was met by a deputation of the Parliament of Paris^ and 
accompanied by them to the capital — how he was crowned in the 
Cathedral of Notre Dame, and how this event was accompanied by 
all sorts of rejoicings, are fully detailed in the work before us. We 
thus for the first time learn from the pen of a Frenchman that the 
Parisian citizens would have been well satisfied with an English 
Prince, had not their pride been hurt by the preference shown to the 
Anglo-Norman barons, by the speedy return of the King to Eouen, 
and by his subsequent entry into his own dominions. If we are to 
believe Capefigue, the English Parliament seems to have been re- 
luctant to grant the necessary supplies for this journey, doubtless 
fearing that the King might be induced to prolong his stay in Prance, 
and make Paris his capital. 

But we must return to Agnes Sorel, whose vast influence over 
Charles Yll became more firmly estabhshed each day of that monarch's 
reign. She early set to work, together with the Queen, to bring 
about a reconciliation between the monarch and his barons, and more 
particularly sought to attach the Duke of Burgundy to the royal 
cause ; for as long as that Prince remained an ally of the Enghsh, he 
was one of the most formidable foes that Charles had to contend against. 
Many of the King's councillors considered a reconciliation as im- 
possible ; and most of the Armagnac party were strongly adverse to 
it. It was, however, at length effected by the talent and diplomatic 
skill of Agnes Sorel, and her friend the Duchess de Lorraine and 
de Bar, a princess of Sicily, who exercised considerable power over 
the vassals in Anjou, Bretague, and Bourgogne. 

The star of Charles "VII was now in the ascendant : he was 
surrounded by a most brilliant court, and only lacked money to 
defray his increasing expenses. The Jews were then, as they still are 
in the East, the chief merchants and money-holders ; and whenever a 
sovereign or great lord required bullion, he obtained it by persecuting 
and robbing this unfortunate race. These Israelites found it so 
difficult to carry their wealth about their persons, that they invented 
notes, as a more convenient means of exchange. During the 
thirteenth century, the Lombards participated with the Jews in 
carrying on European commerce and monetary exchanges, though it 
must be understood that the term Lombard implied an inhabitant of 
a much larger space than that recently known in Europe as 
Lombardy. Besides Venice and Genoa, and other towns of the 
north of Italy, it comprised Florence, Pisa, and some of the Italian 
republics. The Lombards, like the Jews, had obtained wealth during 
t'le Crusades, in supplying shipping and provisions to the soldiers 



AGNES SOREL. .'387 

of the cross who had embarked in those desperate enterprises, whilst 
the capture of Constantinople, at the end of the thirteentli century, 
by the Latins, and its submission for seventy years to their dominion, 
opened for Venice and tl\e other towns of Italy a still more extended 
field of commerce wdth the East, and brought about the restoration 
of the Greek authority, through the Genoese. 

There lived, in the days ot Charles VII, an enterprising Jewn'sh 
merchant, born of rrench parents, and named Jacques Coeur, who 
desired to open the trade of the East direct with Marseilles, and 
seems to have accoraphshed his difficult undertaking. He visited 
Constantinople; and on his return, introduced a coinage for the 
first time into Erance, and established a fixed price for gold currency. 
Some of his coins then manufactured are still preserved, and 
although poor specimens, they still give an excellent idea of what 
such early attempts were like. He also introduced into Europe 
the art of cutting and setting diamonds, and the manufacture of 
linen ; and it appears that the first articles of jewellery, and the 
first spun cloth was worn by Agnes Sorel, who hkewise induced 
Jacques Coeur to advance money to the King for the expenses of 
his court and army. 

We have a host of letters from the pen of Agnes, from which our 
author attempts to show the extent of the influence she really exer- 
cised ; and establishes, beyond doubt, that much of the wise policy 
of Charles was mainly owing to her. 

The causes which occasioned the decay of the English power in 
France are treated by our author with an extraordinary degree of im- 
partiality. He has calmly described the true reasons, without giving 
any of that high colouring so peculiar to Erench historians ; whilst he 
highly praises the sagacity of the Duke of Bedford, whose authority 
was too much hampered by the interference of the English Parliament. 
Had the Duke been allowed to follow the bent of his own judgment, he 
would have known not only how to govern that part of the Erench 
nation which he had already subjected, but he would also have 
gradually extended the British dominion over the greater part, if 
not the whole, of France. The municipal privileges granted to 
the Parisians, and at first appreciated by them, were not quite 
in accordance with their ideas. If such changes had been more 
gradual, they would probably have been more acceptable. The 
commerce which had flourished during the earlier part of the 
Duke of Bedford's regency, had been destroyed, and the Parisians 
were suffering all the horrors of fan)ine, whilst the behaviour of the 
Anglo-Norman barons was more haughty than the French could well 
submit to. The conduct of the English towards the vicious, but 
unfortunate Queen Isabella, who had at one time greatly assisted them, 



388 AGNES SOEEL. 

but now lived neglected and unnoticed in the Rue Barbotte, thorougbly 
impoverished by the expenditure she had made in their behalf, so 
aroused the French, that they seem to have felt this cruelty and want of 
attention more than their own sufferings. To all these misfortunes of 
the English, may be added the death of the Eegent. His prudence and 
vigour had made him beloved by many of his French subjects, and even 
esteemed by those with whom he was unpopular. His loss was an 
irreparable one to the English King and government, as no other 
British noble could be found who possessed sufficient control over 
his national prejudices to rule the French people with any degree of 
success. The downfall of the English power was still further 
hastened by the coolness which at this time subsisted between the 
Duke of Burgundy and their chief leaders, and, facilitating the t>ver- 
tures made to that prince by Charles VII and his mistress Agues Sorel, 
thus brought about a meeting at Arras, where severe conditions were 
demanded and accepted, and friendship thoroughly restored. 

The Duke of Bedford is said by some historians to have died of 
grief, when he heard of the successful termination of these negotia- 
tions between Charles YII and his influential vassal. Oar author 
seems to think, however, that this is a chronological error, and that 
the Dnke of Bedford died a short time previous to this reconciliation. 
The young King of England, Henry VI, seems to have been deeply 
grieved at these events, and to have wept ; exclaiming, " that the 
disaffection of the Duke of Burgundy would occasion the loss of 
all his French possessions." Such was the truth, as the English 
power from that time quickly decayed, although we retained for 
some considerable period the whole of Normandy, Paris, and parts 
of the territory which had been conceded to the Duke of Burgundy. 
The English courageously contended for these provinces, though they 
quickly lost all the popularity they had formerly possessed. The 
public buildings and markets in various towns still in their pos- 
session were allowed to fall into ruin ; and though the Duke of York 
was appointed to succeed the Duke of Bedford in the regency, and, 
together with Lord Willoughby and Lord Talbot, manfully defended 
what little remained of the English possessions in France, Charles 
VII was enabled, in 1437, once moje to re-enter his capital in 
triumph, accompanied by Agnes Sorel. Notwithstanding the great 
beauty of h^r person, her splendid attire, and her valuable and well- 
known services, she had raised up a host of enemies, amongst whom 
the Bishop of Saint Eustache was the most powerful. As he had 
gi^en her the soubriquet of " La Nouvelle Herodias,'' she roused the 
jealousy of the people about the Court, and caused the Parisians 
to look upon her only as a mistress of the King. It is said that 
Agnes was so enraged at this that she exclaimed, ''If Parisian 



AGNES SOREL. 389 

citizens cannot be persuaded to show me more respect, I will not 
again put my foot within their capital." Cliarles VII, although he 
looked upon Paris as his chief city, preferred Bourges or Orleans 
as a residence ; and it was at tiie latter of these places that he as- 
sembled the States General, in order to confirm his authority, and to 
dehberate upon the best measures to be taken against the English. 

The King continued still to love and admire Agnes Sorel, and 
he endowed her with the Chateau of Beaute, in the Valley of the 
Marne, from which circumstance she was afterwards called " La Dame 
de Beaute." Here she resided, and gave balls, masquerades, and every 
sort of entertainment, and here she patronized all that was cliivalrous 
and noble, and became, as it were, a very goddess of chivalry. She 
encouraged that order, which had for some time fallen into decay; she 
revived knight-errantry, made it useful, and brought about in 
France a love for valour and for deeds of daring. 

After some well-timed remarks on the chivalrous feehng dis- 
played by several knight-errants of the period, to the widow, orphan, 
and generally distressed, Mons. Capefigue closes a very interesting 
chapter on "La Chevalerie aa quinzieme Siecle," and turns to the 
consideration of the doings of the Dauphin, afterwards Louis XI. He 
assures us that his character has been grossly mistaken by all his- 
torians, when they affirm " that Louis was desirous of raising the 
lower orders on the ruin of the nobles," " that those who have a 
thorough knowledge of the early days of the Dauphin's life, must 
admit that, although he was a suspicious and rather crafty Prince, he 
yet distinguished himself in several encounters against the English." 
Affianced in early life to the Princess Margaret of Scotland, 
a woman of melancholy mind, and fond of the old poets and ro- 
mancers, this lady is said to have aroused the jealousy of her husband 
by too great a familiarity with one of the minstrels, AJain Chartier, 
who was in frequent attendance at Charles's court. The Dauphin 
never overcame this jealousy and hatred, whilst Agnes Sorel sympa- 
thised with Margaret. Thus a violent quarrel arose between the King's 
mistress and the Dauphin, which terminated in a separation from his 
father, and the estabhshment of his own camp and court. He appears 
to have selected the well-known Tristram as his chief confidant, who, 
though a cruel man, was nevertheless a captain of some renown, a 
good executioner, and no mean head of police. After Louis became 
sovereign, Tristram shone as his aide-de-camp; together with his 
trusty comrade, Trois Echelles. According to our author, their 
cruelties were remembered throughout the country for nearly two 
centuries after their death. 

Paris must have been a fine city at this period, if we are to judge 
of the works undertaken by Charles VII and Agnes Sorel. Charles 



390 AGNES SOEEL. 

inhabited the old palace of Toumelles. He resided there in order 
to comply with the prejudices of his subjects, rather than because 
his own taste induced him to do so. His leisure was, however, spent 
with Agnes Sorel at the Manoir de Beaute, the beloved retreat. 

M. Capefigue next turns to the contemplation of the splendour 
and dignity of the Duke of Burgundy's court, which combined the 
pageantry and old usages of the great federal vassals of the middle 
ages with the magnificence of a more modern prince. Other au- 
thors, as well as M. Capefigue, consider this court to have been the 
most remarkable in Europe, at that period, for the wealth by which 
it was surrounded, and for the old customs which it still preserved. 
It retained amongst its attendants the old ballad singers, poets, and 
court fools, and held its tournaments and its martial exercises. 
The Duke of Burgundy possessed, besides the large concessions 
made to him at the treaty of Arras, the whole of the Low Countries, 
the richest and the most manufacturing and commercial state in the 
north of Europe. 

The details of the famous singers and poets of the period are 
most interesting, and the manner in which 'Rene of Anjou, Count of 
Provence, figured in the front rank amongst them is well told. 
Like the Duke of Orleans, Rene was a prisoner during the greater 
part of his life, in the hands of the Duke of Burgundy. He 
possessed a melancholy, highly-wrought, poetical imagination, and 
indulged in romantic extravagances. Owing to his being titular 
King of Sicily, he was known as '' le bon Eoi Rene." He is said 
to have performed several times in presence of Charles VII and 
Agnes Sorel after he regained his freedom ; though by others he is 
declared to be a poetic myth. 

From this time Agnes Sorel delined in favour, and, through 
the machinations of the Dauphin, was exiled from the Court. 
Retiring to her chateau at Loches, she was seized with an illness 
which terminated her existence on the 11th of February, 1449. 
Some say that her death was accelerated by poison; but it is 
more probable that she died from grief and neglect. She was 
buried at the church of Loches, and a tomb erected at the ex- 
pense of her faithful follower, Jaques Cceur. Thus ended the 
once great and mighty favorite, who had done more to liberate 
France than even Joan of Arc. She is, however, forgotten ; whilst 
her more humble contemporary is remembered. That Agnes did 
more towards liberating France by the energy which she instilled 
into Charles YII, and that she assisted him by her talents and advice 
in repelling the English, is beyond doubt ; that she accomplished 
more than Joan of Arc could have done by her valour and enter- 
prise is a matter of history. 



AGNES SOREL. 391 

The excuses put forward for her liaison with her royal lover are 
unnecessary, her amours with the King being in some measure atoned 
for by the great services she rendered to her country. 

Keluctantly, we now stop short at the death-bed of Henry VII, 
wlio seems to have experienced the same fate as the one he had so 
cruelly brought upon Agnes. He died alone and unregretted. No 
funeral pomp accompanied his remains, and Dunois was the only 
friend who followed him to the tomb. 

With the reign of Louis XI we Iiave nothing to do. All was 
fresh and bright whilst the old king and his mistress lay rotting in 
their graves. Still, as time wore on, the memory of La Dame de 
Beaute dawned on the minds of men who loved the muses and 
sorrowed at the decline of chivalry. 

Eroissart, Monstrelet, and Jean Chartier, wrote and sang of her 
goodness and chivalrous doings. 

Gentille Agnes ! plus d'honneur tu merite. 
La cause etant de France recouvrer, 
Que ce que peut dedans du cloitre ouvrer, 
Close nonain ou bien-devot hermite. 

At a later period, Chatelain drew her portrait in verse ; and even 
Voltaire rendered her immortal, in his poem "La Pucelle d'Orleans." 
Thus he paints our heroine : 

Le ton roi Charle, au printemps de ses jours 
En temps de Paques en la cite de Tours 
A certain bal (le prince amait la danse) 
Avait trouve (pour le bein de la France) 
Une beautee nommee Agnes Sorel : 
Jamais I'amour ne forma rien de tel. 
Imaginez de Flore la jeunesse, 
La taille et I'air de la nymphe des bois 
Et de Venus la grace enchanteresse 
Et de r Amour le seduisant minois, 
L'art d'Aracbne, le doux chant des syrenes, 
EUe avait tout ; elle aurait dans ses cbaines 
Mis les heros, les sages et les rois. 

Telle plutot cette heureuse grisette 
Que la nature ainsi que l'art forma, 
Qu'une maman avisee et discrete 
Au noble lit d'un fermier eleva. 
Sa douce allure est un vrai port de reine, 
Ses yeux fripons s'arment de majeste, 
Sa VOLS a pris le ton de souveraine 
Et sur son rang son esprit s'est monte. 

II faut partir, Agnes I'ordonne, 

Adieu repos, plaisir, adieu ; 

J'aurai pom: venger ma couronne 

Mes lauriers, I'amour et mon Dicu. 

Fran9ais, que le nom de ma belle, 

Dans leurs rangs porte la terreur ; i 

J'oubliais la gloire aupres d'elle, 

Agnes mc rend tout a I'honneur. 

FINIS. 



LONDON: PRINTED BY J. MALLETT, 59, WARDOUR STREET, SOHO. 



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